POLITICAL
SCIENCE
UK public will not forgive a government that allows
death rates to rise further.
By JAMES
JOHNSON 5/12/20, 4:00 AM CET Updated 5/12/20, 7:02 AM CET
Britain's
Prime Minister Boris Johnson left people confused about the new phases of
lockdown
LONDON —
“It is coming down the mountain that is more dangerous.”
Such were
the U.K. prime minister’s words on Sunday evening, as he outlined the
government’s next steps in the effort to fight coronavirus. It is a statement
true of the risks and challenges to come, both the fight to keep the
reproduction rate of the disease down, and the sacrifices we will have to make
as a country. It is also true of the political risks that Boris Johnson now
faces.
Up until
now, Johnson has received strong approval ratings — some of the best in the
Western world. Conservative voting intention has received a boost, hitting
record highs for a party in government. People have also been more united
across party political divides than U.K. politics has seen for many years,
whether on their sky-high support for lockdown measures, or when it comes to
how Johnson is perceived.
But as we
make those cautious steps down the other side of the peak, the ground is
already shifting. A YouGov poll released on Monday, in the fallout of confusion
over government messages, found support for the government’s easing of
restrictions stood at only 44 percent, with 43 percent opposed. Views now seem
to differ depending on which party someone supports — a far cry from the 76
percent of Conservative voters and 83 percent of Labour voters who supported
the previous government policy of lockdown.
The biggest
threat for the U.K. government, however, does not come from a communications
botch, but a larger and more entrenched phenomenon in the public psyche.
Compared to other countries, the British public is being taken out of lockdown
against its will.
This may
seem an odd thing to say, with pictures of people thronging in parks over the
weekend, and the increase in traffic on the roads as the working week began.
But the sense of active obedience among the British public means we were always
likely to follow our government out of lockdown — even if we think it might be
a bad idea. As the rules and the tone changes, people naturally alter their
behavior. These are not the specific rulebreakers at the start of the first
lockdown, but people who feel they have been given permission to do more and do
just that, even if they do not particularly agree with it. It might feel
inconsistent, but a rule of public opinion is that the public are always
allowed to have it both ways.
Because at
the same time, the British people are much more adamant that lives should be
saved. This was the finding of the latest international survey by KekstCNC,
showing that 73 percent of the British people want the government to limit the
spread of the disease and prevent deaths, even if that means a recession or
depression and major job losses. Other countries are much less sure — only 44
percent say this in Sweden, 49 percent in Germany.
The U.K. is
also uniquely united on this, with people across all age groups prioritizing
saving lives, bucking the trend in other nations where younger people are keener
to put the economy first.
There are
different views as to why this is. The obvious answer is the U.K. death toll,
but other countries with high numbers, such as the United States, do not share
the same sentiment to such a degree. There is no clear pattern related to how
relaxed or severe different lockdowns have been either.
Focus
groups have shown that Johnson’s experience of the virus altered views of the
risk in the U.K., with its image morphing from a mild, flu-like illness into an
indiscriminate killer that could knock anyone down much more easily than had
been assumed.
Whatever
the explanation, this difference matters because the British public wants the
government to put their lives above the economy. Their benchmark for success
for the government in this crisis is not economic growth, nor merely stopping
NHS capacity from being overwhelmed, but deaths coming down and staying down.
In Germany
and Sweden, the public are aligned with their governments. As lockdowns are
lifted, or in the case of Sweden measures stay relaxed, they want more of a
focus on the economy. In the U.S., though Democrats would no doubt be mortified
by a second spike, unprecedented polarization means many Republicans back the
president and a move out of lockdown whatever the consequences. President Trump
even talks about the likelihood of more deaths because of his approach — a
position completely unimaginable in the U.K. Put simply, in many other
countries, the public feel partly culpable in the lifting of lockdown.
The British
are not. Instead, generally speaking, the lockdown has been lifted without
their permission. If deaths increase, it is not going to be forgiven or
forgotten; it will not be seen as inevitable, or a reasonable price to get the
economy up and running. In any country, a second spike would have tragic
consequences. But in the U.K., the political damage has the potential to be
much greater than in other nations.
And all the
signs are that this blame will fall at the government’s door. Gone are the days
of a select few breaking the lockdown rules, as happened with spates of largely
young men in early April, who became the rightful source of public anger. Some
journalists, such as Krishnan Guru-Murphy and Emily Maitlis, have suggested
recent confusion over government messages could be deliberate, “part of a
larger strategy of deniability” so the public blame themselves. But government
is much more often the province of cock-up rather than conspiracy. And even if
this were true, voters rarely blame themselves for anything.
Other
political parties are aware of this. Though genuine concerns are no doubt their
primary motivation, this will be on the minds of Scottish First Minister Nicola
Sturgeon as she formulates her different approach, as well as Manchester Mayor
Andy Burnham as he ramps up criticism of the government in Westminster. Most of
all, Labour leader Keir Starmer will be thinking it as he introduces himself to
the nation.
Downing
Street are aware of the risk too. The Sunday Times reported last week “senior
Conservative sources" saying people in government have an eye on the
approval ratings of other national leaders. “Every leader had huge support at
the peak but now that support has started to come down quite sharply,” the
source was reported to have said. “We are entering the moment of maximum
political risk.”
Because of
the unique circumstances in Britain, because of the public’s unique view, that
risk could be quite a bit higher than in other nations.
Declarations
that the government is irretrievably finished are clearly wrong. We are six
months into the biggest Conservative majority in more than 30 years. Even with
the issues at the start of the pandemic in March, people tend to vote for
political parties based on what they look like they will do next, rather than
punish or reward them for what they have already done. And, of course, there is
every possibility that Johnson can navigate the difficulties ahead and be met
with victory once more.
But
reputations will, for certain, be made and lost during this crisis. Those reputations
will be carried into the next general election, this time with a competent
Labour leader who is not written off by swing voters by the very mention of his
name. It is a tough journey down the mountain, and it is only just beginning.
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