quarta-feira, 30 de setembro de 2020

O Ano Hidrológico 2020-2021: preocupação e expetativa

 



OPINIÃO

O Ano Hidrológico 2020-2021: preocupação e expetativa

 

As políticas públicas para a água não têm ocupado o lugar devido na escala de prioridades da agenda política nacional e regional.

 

RUI GODINHO

1 de Outubro de 2020, 0:25

https://www.publico.pt/2020/10/01/opiniao/opiniao/ano-hidrologico-20202021-preocupacao-expetativa-1933158

 

Não escondo a preocupação, mas também alguma expetativa, quanto ao futuro da Gestão da Água em Portugal, quando se inicia o Ano Hidrológico 2020-2021, o primeiro de uma década decisiva para o cumprimento de metas essenciais como os Objetivos do Desenvolvimento Sustentável, a Agenda 2030 e a Descarbonização da Economia, enquadradas numa coerente Transição Climática integrada no Pacto Ecológico Europeu.

 

Com efeito, as Políticas Públicas para a Água não têm ocupado o lugar devido na escala de prioridades da Agenda Política Nacional e Regional, sendo encaradas, de forma redutora, como uma das componentes de “uma rede nacional de infraestruturas” e não como um fator estruturante do Desenvolvimento Sustentável, através do fomento da Coesão Territorial e Económica do País.

 

É certo que, a partir de março passado, revelou-se entre nós e por todo o mundo a crise sanitária geradora da pandemia covid-19, que passou a absorver as prioridades de todos os responsáveis das principais instituições nacionais. Porém, a situação de secundarização referida já se tinha instalado.

 

Esta pandemia demonstrou, contudo, de forma bem nítida, que se a água já era assumida como um recurso essencial “escasso” (ou mesmo “raro”, em inúmeras circunstâncias relacionadas com severas condições de escassez e secas prolongadas), é muito mais do que isso: trata-se de um “recurso vital”, dado que um “simples lavar de mãos” se constitui como um dos procedimentos indispensáveis para evitar a transmissão do virus SARS-CoV-2.

 

É muito relevante que os serviços de água e saneamento tenham respondido de forma exemplar às situações de emergência, calamidade e contingência, entretanto declaradas, merecendo, por isso, todo o apreço do País por terem mantido, sem interrupções e com elevados níveis de qualidade, o abastecimento de água e a drenagem, tratamento e reutilização das águas residuais.

 

Este facto recomenda a necessidade do “reforço da resiliência dos sistemas de água e saneamento”, através da adoção e concretização no terreno de um “programa de reabilitação e renovação de infraestruturas” com mais de duas décadas de funcionamento, articulado com a “redução das perdas”, prolongando assim a sua vida útil e aumentando a eficiência do serviço. Estas ações deverão constar como uma das prioridades do PENSAARP 2030 [1], como já foi proposto pela APDA ao Grupo de Trabalho da Secretaria de Estado do Ambiente, encarregado da sua elaboração.

 

Mas, entretanto, Portugal vem sofrendo, pelo menos desde o terrível ano 2017, sucessivos anos de “seca meteorológica e hidrológica” em praticamente todo o País, com uma particular incidência nos caudais e nas disponibilidade e qualidade das águas nas Bacias Hidrográficas do Tejo, Sado, Guadiana, no Algarve e no Interior Norte e Centro.

 

As situações dos rios Tejo e Sado têm que ser encaradas sem demora, dada a forte progressão da “cunha salina” em ambos os casos, com significativos reflexos na degradação da qualidade das águas para abastecimento e irrigação de culturas agrícolas importantes para a economia nacional.

 

Urge agir, no caso do Tejo, para garantir o cumprimento por parte de Espanha dos regimes de caudais constantes da Convenção de Albufeira, e reforçar a capacidade de armazenamento  com a construção da Barragem do Alvito no Rio Ocreza.

 

Quanto à Bacia do Sado, é difícil entender que as transferências de água do Alqueva para a Barragem do Monte da Rocha e Ermidas Sado, com o consequente reforço de caudais no rio, continuem por concretizar-se.

 

No tocante aos recursos hídricos subterrâneos – reserva estratégica a preservar com o máximo de cuidado –, a confirmarem-se os diversos projetos turísticos e imobiliários de grande densidade anunciados para o litoral alentejano, poderemos estar perante a eminência de regimes de sobre-exploração potenciados pelo aumento da carga antropogénica que se verificará, com as consequências negativas inerentes.

 

Finalmente, a expectativa quanto às medidas que venham a ser incluidas no “Programa de Recuperação e Resiliência” que o Governo prepara, onde a “Água” consta dos capítulos “Competividade e Coesão Territorial” e “Transição Climática”, numa lógica de garantia de uma maior eficiência hídrica e contributo para suster a desertificação que ameaça uma parte significativa do Sul do País.

 

[1] PENSAARP 2030 – Plano Estratégico para o Setor de Abastecimento de Água e Gestão de Águas Residuais e Pluviais 2021-2030

Boris Johnson warns of “critical moment” as deaths rise and pressure gro...

The United Kingdom is at a “critical moment” in the battle against Coronavirus, according to Boris Johnson.  He has warned that he won't hesitate to put further measures in place if necessary.

The government's chief scientific adviser has warned that hospital admissions and intensive care cases are “heading the wrong way” as the number of reported new infections topped 7,000 for a second day running.

The government has renewed the exceptional powers it gained in March under the Coronavirus Act, but only after promising MPs they would be able to vote “wherever possible” on proposed new regulations.

The Speaker of the Commons warned the government against treating Parliament “with contempt”.

Huw Edwards presents BBC News at Ten reporting by political editor Laura Kuenssberg, health editor Hugh Pym and Alex Forsyth reports from Warwickshire.


Shock And Dismay: International Reactions To The First Trump-Biden Debat...

Bob Woodward: We now have a constitutional problem

Trump Is Not the Man He Used to Be // ‘A huge misstep’: Trump allies see a lost opportunity in first debate

 



ANALYSIS | 2020

Trump Is Not the Man He Used to Be

 

His belligerent debate performance revealed the president has lost the confidence he had four years ago, and it will cost him.

 

By TIM ALBERTA

09/30/2020 05:23 PM EDT

https://www.politico.com/news/magazine/2020/09/30/trump-debate-2020-analysis-423916

 

Donald Trump believes, to his core, that a single event in 2016 clinched him the presidency.

 

It wasn’t the FBI reopening its investigation into Hillary Clinton. It wasn’t the Wikileaks dump of hacked DNC emails. It wasn’t the published list of potential Supreme Court nominees, or the selection of Mike Pence, or Clinton’s comment about “deplorables.”

 

To Trump, the pivotal moment of the campaign was the second presidential debate. On the second Sunday in October, the Republican nominee arrived in St. Louis a dead man walking. Just 48 hours earlier, the Washington Post had publicized an old recording on which Trump boasted about grabbing women by the genitals. A number of leading Republicans publicly renounced his candidacy. Many more pleaded with the party chairman, Reince Priebus, to remove him from the ticket. The morning before the debate, Priebus warned Trump, “Either you’ll lose in the biggest landslide in history, or you can get out of the race and let somebody else run who can win.”

 

But the reality TV star wasn’t going to walk away—not from such high drama, not from such huge ratings. In an interview several years later, Trump told me that he viewed the debate as an experiment in “who likes pressure.” Voters wanted to see how a prospective president would handle being tested, being pushed. Trump responded to that pressure. With his back to the wall, facing scrutiny like no presidential hopeful in memory, Trump turned in his strongest stage performance of 2016. He was forceful but controlled. He was steady, unflappable, almost carefree. Even his most noxious lines, such as suggesting that Clinton belonged in jail, were delivered with a smooth cadence and a cool smirk, as if he knew a secret that others didn’t.

 

“That debate showed that I like pressure, because there was some pressure. What were the odds? Like 50-50, will he show up?” Trump told me. “That debate won me the election.”

 

I happen to agree with him. At a moment of genuine crisis, with his campaign on the brink of collapse just one month before the election, Trump projected a confidence that became contagious. The calls for his ouster ceased. The party got back to work boosting his candidacy. His poll numbers began to rebound. Trump had passed the pressure test. He had stopped the bleeding in ways that kept his base intact while demonstrating a resiliency, a certain defiance, that was appealing to some voters still on the fence.

 

I couldn’t stop thinking about that 2016 debate, and Trump’s subsequent analysis of it, during Tuesday night’s Cacophony in Cleveland.

 

The backdrop was awfully similar. With about a month until Election Day, trailing badly in the polls and urgently in need of resurgence, the burden of performance was on Trump. He came into Tuesday saddled not with a single calamity of “Access Hollywood” proportion, but with the collective weight of a pandemic that has killed some 205,000 citizens, an economic meltdown that has put millions out of work and a racial uproar that rips at the seams of American society. Because voting has started earlier than ever, diminishing the impact of later debates, there was zero time to spare. This was the 2020 version of Trump’s pressure test.

 

He failed miserably.

 

 

In the wake of Tuesday’s 90-minute barroom argument, many was the pundit who argued that we really shouldn’t be surprised. Trump is Trump. The hysterical norm-shattering guerilla we saw debating in Cleveland is the same hysterical norm-shattering guerilla we saw coming down the escalator in Manhattan. The manic president on stage was no different than the manic president on Twitter.

 

But this isn’t quite right. In reality, the candidate we saw Tuesday night—the worn, restless, curmudgeonly incumbent of 2020—bore little resemblance to the loose, rollicking, self-assured candidate of 2016. It might be hard to remember through the fog of these past four years, but the animating sentiment for Trump during his first run for the presidency wasn’t hatred or division. It was fun. He was having the time of his life. Nothing Trump had ever experienced had showered him with so much attention, so much adulation, so much controversy and coverage. He loved every moment of it. Even in the valleys of that campaign, such as Access Hollywood weekend, Trump found humor in razzing Rudy Giuliani or making jokes about Karen Pence. Even when he was lashing out against Clinton or the media or the Never Trump Republicans, he was enjoying himself.

 

The president wasn’t enjoying himself last night. There was no mischievous glint in his eye, no mirthful vibrancy in his demeanor. He looked exhausted. He sounded ornery. Gone was the swagger, the detached smirk, that reflected bottomless wells of confidence and conviction. Though described by Tucker Carlson in Fox News’ pregame show as an “instinctive predator,” Trump behaved like cornered prey—fearful, desperate, trapped by his own shortcomings and the circumstances that exposed them. He was a shell of his former dominant self.

 

It was shocking to witness. Whereas Trump four years ago was unemotional in his approach to Clinton, placid almost to the point of appearing sedated, he was twitchy and agitated from the opening moments of Tuesday’s debate. The president shouted and seethed and flailed his arms in fury, his face pulsating ever brighter hues of citrus. For all the talk of Trump throwing Biden off his game, it was Biden—and moderator Chris Wallace—who stirred such conniptions in the president that he was unable to meet the bare minimums. Despite being prepared for the obvious questions, Trump was so inflamed that he could not offer the vague outlines of a health care plan or denounce white supremacists with more than a single word—“Sure”—when gifted multiple opportunities to do so.

 

On the debate stage, Trump has long benefited from a commanding presence, an intimidating persona, that compensates for his lack of policy knowledge. This was the story of his success in the Republican primary season: He was never going to be the smartest kid in class, but he was always going to be the strongest. And yet, Trump didn’t come across as strong Tuesday night. He came across as spooked and insecure. The president who graduated from Wharton made fun of his opponent for getting bad grades. The president who is charged with guiding his country through a pandemic mocked the idea of wearing an oversized face mask. The president who promised to Make America Great Again depicted the U.S. (without evidence) as a failed state that can’t run a legitimate election.

 

Trump has lived his adult life by the gospel of Norman Vincent Peale and his mega-selling book, The Power of Positive Thinking. It preaches that there are no obstacles, only opportunities, and that overcoming them is a matter of belief and affirmative visualization. Watching the president on Tuesday night felt like watching someone losing his religion. Trump could not overpower Biden or Wallace any more than he could overpower Covid-19 or the cascading job losses or the turmoil engulfing American cities. For the first time in his presidency, Trump appeared to recognize that he had been overtaken by events. His warnings about the aftermath of the election doubled for his own political fate: “This is not going to end well.”

 

Facing pressure unlike any he has ever faced, the president of the United States came unglued. If his campaign for reelection fails, Trump cannot blame any one particular culprit. He can, however, look back on Tuesday’s debate as the bookend of his presidency, a moment in our history every bit as politically and psychologically significant as the one four years earlier.

 

‘A huge misstep’: Trump allies see a lost opportunity in first debate


For the next debate, some Trump supporters want the president’s demeanor to undergo a wholesale makeover.

 

Some supporters said President Donald Trump‘s constant jabs ultimately worked to Joe Biden’s advantage.

 

By GABBY ORR

09/30/2020 07:06 PM EDT

https://www.politico.com/news/2020/09/30/trump-allies-debate-biden-424082

 

President Donald Trump spent his first 2020 presidential debate heckling his opponent at every turn. His supporters are hoping he got it out of his system — for good.

 

Trump aides and allies saw Tuesday night’s event, a 90-minute schoolyard brawl featuring incessant interruptions from the incumbent Republican and pleas from his Democratic opponent to quit the “yapping,” as an avoidable tragedy in the president’s quest for reelection.

 

As the dust settled in Cleveland and the Trump campaign claimed victory over a “weak” performance by former Vice President Joe Biden, others involved in his reelection effort were less convinced the president did himself any favors. If anything, they said, he might have done more harm than good.

 

 

Indeed, the leading complaint from some of Trump’s top allies after the opening debate was not the perceived unfairness of moderator Chris Wallace — though they took repeated issues with the Fox News anchor’s performance — or Biden's evasive answer to a question related to the Supreme Court, but the president’s own demeanor. Overcome with scorn for Biden, Trump jabbed and jeered his way through the night without ever giving his opponent a chance to self-implode. The strategy confounded supporters who had giddily approached the first debate thinking it would be a prime opportunity for voters to see the 77-year-old Democratic presidential nominee stumble through answers with rambling responses and cringe-worthy gaffes.

 

One Trump adviser had flashbacks to the O.J. Simpson trial, likening Trump to the football legend’s domineering defense attorney Barry Scheck and Biden to frazzled prosecutor Marcia Clark. But while Scheck may have “brilliantly” saved his client with merciless cross-examinations, the adviser said Trump’s attempts to corner Biden only further imperiled his unstable campaign.

 

Another person involved with the president’s campaign said they couldn’t blame anyone who turned the TV off halfway through the debate: “The few independents that we need, I imagine some of them just flipped the channel after the first hour.”

 

Others were more blunt.

 

“It was really frustrating to watch,” said Dallas investor Doug Deason, a GOP megadonor and Trump supporter. “He’s the president of the United States. He should have not let it get out of hand like it did and instead he led it.”

 

Deason was invited by the Republican National Committee to watch the debate at the Trump International Hotel in Washington, where dozens of MAGA fans spent Tuesday night sipping cocktails and watching the ugly contest unfold. He declined the invitation, but assumed many of those who attended shared his frustrations as they took in the debate from a gilded ballroom blocks away from the White House.

 

“The whole thing was just so cringeworthy,” he said. “They’re blaming Biden, but they’re not happy with Trump. The president should have sat back and let Biden just talk himself into circles, but instead he kept interrupting.”

 

“He saved Biden’s day by doing that,” Deason added. “It was a huge misstep.”

 

Between now and Oct. 15, when Trump and Biden are scheduled to face off for the second time in Miami, some Trump supporters said they want the president’s demeanor to undergo a wholesale makeover. Instead of constant interference, they want brief interruptions to introduce topics left untouched by the moderator or to pose open-ended questions to Biden. Rather than juvenile insults, they want the witty one-liners that defined Trump’s performances in the 2016 GOP primary debates.

 

Barring a course-correction in the second debate, they said the president could permanently jeopardize his campaign’s effort to win over undecided voters and reverse his eroding support with women.

 

“He needs to show a little more of his charm and humor, less anger,” said Seth Weathers, former director of Trump's Georgia campaign and co-founder of a conservative apparel business.

 

“More quips, less hits,” Weathers added.

 

The cast of “Fox & Friends,” a Fox News morning show Trump watches religiously, on Wednesday morning aired a rare segment in which several conservatives close to the Trump campaign also grumbled about the president’s debate performance.

 

“The president interrupted way too much. Mr. President, please don’t do that in the next debate,” said former Trump campaign adviser Stephen Moore.

 

President Donald Trump and Democratic presidential nominee Joe Biden look out to the audience at end of the first presidential debate.

President Donald Trump and Democratic presidential nominee Joe Biden look out to the audience at end of the first presidential debate on Tuesday. | Win McNamee/Getty Images

 

In the same segment, Ari Fleischer, a White House press secretary under President George W. Bush, urged Trump to “interrupt less” and “let Biden flail" next time.

 

The person involved in Trump’s reelection effort said the president ruined several moments during the Cleveland debate when Biden appeared to be on the brink of delivering an unsatisfactory answer, but was interrupted by Trump before he could complete his sentence.

 

This person cited Biden’s response to Wallace when he asked if the former vice president, who has billed himself as a “transition candidate,” would support the “Green New Deal” climate plan championed by progressives. Biden, whose campaign website describes the multitrillion dollar proposal as a “crucial framework for meeting the climate challenges we face,” distanced himself from the deal — that is, until Trump jumped in to suggest his opponent had “just lost the radical left.”

 

“It was one of those things where you just kind of wanted him to finish his thought. I was like, ‘You’ve got him cornered, just let him finish it,’” said the person involved in Trump’s reelection.

 

Weathers said Trump should have refused to discuss other topics until the former vice president definitively said he would support or oppose court-packing if elected.

 

“Are you willing to tell the American people tonight whether or not you will support either ending the filibuster or packing the courts?” Wallace suggested, referring to a scenario floated by some progressive activists in which Democrats could add more justices to the Supreme Court bench to erase its conservative tilt.

 

“Whatever position I take on that, that will become the issue. The issue is the American people should speak. ... Vote and let your senators know how strongly you feel,” Biden responded.

 

Before Wallace could pose a follow-up, Trump cocked his head toward Biden and pounced: “Are you going to pack the court? Are you going to pack the court? He doesn’t want to answer the question.”

 

“Who is on your list, Joe?” Trump continued, referring to Biden’s yet-to-be-released names of potential Supreme Court nominees.

 

The president “could have done something more theatrical than what he did” instead of repeatedly interrupting Biden on the court-packing question, said the Trump campaign adviser. “It is outside the mainstream of America to support packing the court and for a presidential candidate to say, ‘No, I’m not going to answer that question,’ I just think the president should have had a more succinct response ready to go.”

 

The format of the next debate is likely to reduce bickering between Trump and Biden — directing their focus toward audience questions in a town hall-style format as opposed to simply responding to the moderator and each other — though it is unclear if the president and those involved in his debate preparations are eyeing a different approach.

 

While former New Jersey Gov. Chris Christie, who has spent the past few weeks in debate preparation with Trump, admitted he was “too hot” on the debate stage, the president himself seemed pleased with his performance. AFter the debate, Trump lit up his Twitter feed with retweets of people who praised his combative style and suggested in a Wednesday afternoon tweet that the disorder that ensued the previous night had nothing to do with his conduct.

 

“Try getting a new Anchor and a smarter Democrat candidate!” Trump tweeted in response to a statement from the Commission on Presidential Debates promising to add new “tools to maintain order” in the remaining verbal contests.

 

“President Trump controlled the entire conversation … and kept Joe Biden on his heels and looking weak and unable to defend his 47 years of failure in Washington,” said Trump campaign communications director Tim Murtaugh. “We are enthusiastic about the upcoming debates and look forward to them.”

Trump says he doesn't know Proud Boys after name-checking them at debate

When asked about his remarks during the first 2020 presidential debate telling right-wing extremist group the Proud Boys to "stand back and stand by," President Donald Trump claimed he didn't know the group. CNN's Kate Bolduan and Kaitlan Collins break down the President's comments.


America left in shock after first US presidential debate

Tuesday’s Debate Made Clear the Gravest Threat to the Election: The President Himself

 



NEWS ANALYSIS

Tuesday’s Debate Made Clear the Gravest Threat to the Election: The President Himself

 

President Trump’s unwillingness to say he would abide by the result, and his disinformation campaign about election fraud went beyond anything President Vladimir V. Putin could have imagined.

 

David E. Sanger

By David E. Sanger

Sept. 30, 2020

Updated 1:52 p.m. ET

https://www.nytimes.com/2020/09/30/us/politics/trump-debate-election.html?action=click&module=Spotlight&pgtype=Homepage

 

President Trump’s angry insistence in the last minutes of Tuesday’s debate that there was no way the presidential election could be conducted without fraud amounted to an extraordinary declaration by a sitting American president that he would try to throw any outcome into the courts, Congress or the streets if he was not re-elected.

 

His comments came after four years of debate about the possibility of foreign interference in the 2020 election and how to counter such disruptions. But they were a stark reminder that the most direct threat to the electoral process now comes from the president of the United States himself.

 

His unwillingness to say he would abide by the result, and his disinformation campaign about the integrity of the American electoral system, went beyond anything President Vladimir V. Putin could have imagined. All Mr. Putin has to do now is amplify the president’s message, which the Russian leader has already begun to do.

 

Everything Mr. Trump said in his face-off with Joseph Biden Jr. he had already delivered in recent weeks, in tweets and rallies with his faithful. But he had never before put it all together in front of such a large audience as he did Tuesday night.

 

He began the debate with a declaration that balloting already underway was “a fraud and a shame” and proof of “a rigged election.”

 

It quickly became apparent that the president was doing more than simply trying to discredit the mail-in ballots that are being used to ensure voters are not disenfranchised by a pandemic — the same way of voting that five states have used with minimal fraud, for years.

 

He followed it by encouraging his supporters to “go into the polls” and “watch very carefully,” which seemed to be code words for a campaign of voter intimidation, aimed at those who brave the coronavirus risks of voting in person.

 

And his declaration that the Supreme Court would have to “look at the ballots” and that “we might not know for months, because these ballots are going to be all over” seemed to suggest that he will try to place the election in the hands of a court where he has been rushing to cement a conservative majority with his nomination of Judge Amy Coney Barrett.

 

And if he cannot win there, he has already raised the possibility of using the argument of a fraudulent election to throw the decision to the House of Representatives, where he believes he has an edge, since every state delegation gets one vote in resolving an election with no clear winner. At least for now, 26 of those delegations have a majority of Republican representatives.

 

Taken together, his attacks on the integrity of the coming election suggested that a country that has successfully run presidential elections since 1788 (a messy first experiment, which stretched just under a month), through civil wars, world wars and natural disasters now faces the gravest challenge in its history to the way it chooses a leader and peacefully transfers power.

 

“We have never heard a president deliberately cast doubt on an election’s integrity this way a month before it happened,’’ said Michael Beschloss, the presidential historian and author of “Presidents of War.” “This is the kind of thing we have preached to other countries that they should not do. It reeks of autocracy, not democracy.”

 

But what worried American intelligence and homeland security officials, who have been assuring the public for months now that an accurate, secure vote could happen, was that Mr. Trump’s rant about a fraudulent vote may have been intended for more than just a domestic audience.

 

They have been worried for some time that his warnings are a signal to outside powers — chiefly the Russians — for their disinformation campaign, which has seized on his baseless theme that the mail-in ballots are ridden with fraud. But what concerns them the most is that over the next 34 days, the country may begin to see disruptive cyberoperations, especially ransomware, intended to create just enough chaos to prove the president’s point.

 

Those who studied the 2016 election have seen this coming for a long while, and warned about the risk. The Republicans who led Senate Intelligence Committee’s final report on that election included a clear warning.

 

“Sitting officials and candidates should use the absolute greatest amount of restraint and caution if they are considering publicly calling the validity of an upcoming election into question,” the report said, noting that doing so would only be “exacerbating the already damaging messaging efforts of foreign intelligence services.”

 

That has happened already. Representative Adam Schiff, the Democrat who chairs the House Intelligence Committee, said in a recent interview he had asked the intelligence agencies he oversees to look for examples of the Russians picking up on Mr. Trump’s words.

 

“Sure enough, it wasn’t long before the intelligence community started seeing exactly that,” Mr. Schiff said. “It was too enticing and predictable an option for the Russians. They have been amplifying Trump’s false attacks on absentee voting.”

 

What is striking is how Mr. Trump’s fundamental assessment that the election would be fraudulent differed so sharply from that of some of the officials he has appointed. It was only last week that the director of the F.B.I., Christopher Wray, said his agency had “not seen, historically, any kind of coordinated national voter fraud effort in a major election, whether it’s by mail or otherwise.”

 

Mr. Wray was immediately attacked by the White House chief of staff, Mark Meadows. “With all due respect to Director Wray, he has a hard time finding emails in his own F.B.I.”

 

Mr. Trump himself has provided no evidence to back up his assertions, apart from citing a handful of Pennsylvania ballots discarded in a dumpster — and immediately tracked down, and counted, by election officials.

 

Meanwhile, the Department of Homeland Security and the F.B.I. have been issuing warnings, as recently as 24 hours before the debate, about the dangers of disinformation in what could be the tumultuous time after the election.

 

“During the 2020 election season, foreign actors and cybercriminals are spreading false and inconsistent information through various online platforms in an attempt to manipulate public opinion, discredit the electoral process and undermine confidence in U.S. democratic institutions,” the agencies wrote in a joint public service announcement.

 

It detailed the kind of data that could be leaked — mostly voter registration details — and said they “have no information suggesting any cyberattack on U.S. election infrastructure has prevented an election from occurring, compromised the accuracy of voter registration information, prevented a registered voter from casting a ballot, or compromised the integrity of any ballots cast.”

 

When officials involved in those public service announcements were asked whether Mr. Trump had different information, which would explain his repeated attacks on the election system, they went silent.

 

They had little choice. It was apparent to them that the chief disinformation source was their boss. And for that, they had no playbook.

 

David E. Sanger is a national security correspondent. In a 36-year reporting career for The Times, he has been on three teams that have won Pulitzer Prizes, most recently in 2017 for international reporting. His newest book is “The Perfect Weapon: War, Sabotage and Fear in the Cyber Age.” @SangerNYT • Facebook

Presidential debate breaks silent streak on climate crisis – but the bar is too low .

 


Presidential debate breaks silent streak on climate crisis – but the bar is too low

 

The question framed the existence of a human-made climate crisis as something that is for some Americans still debatable

 

Emily Holden

Wed 30 Sep 2020 19.02 BSTLast modified on Wed 30 Sep 2020 19.21 BST

https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2020/sep/30/presidential-debate-climate-crisis-question-trump-biden-analysis

 

The long-awaited climate question in last night’s presidential debate broke a 20-year silent streak from moderators on the crisis – thrusting it into prime time but also revealing just how stuck in the past much of the US is on the issue.

 

After more than an hour of chaos as the candidates talked over each other, the Fox News anchor Chris Wallace asked Donald Trump: “What do you believe about the science of climate change and what will you do in the next four years to confront it?”

 

Former vice-president Al Gore – who was the last candidate asked directly about climate change in a general election debate, in 2000 – praised Wallace in a tweet for “asking serious and well-researched questions about the climate crisis”. In 2008, the vice-presidential candidates were asked to debate what is true and false about the climate crisis and the presidential candidates were asked about reducing US dependence on foreign oil.

 

The exchange was the most substantive discussion yet of the climate crisis in a general election presidential debate, said Bracken Hendricks, co-founder of the climate group Evergreen Action. But, that is not necessarily saying much, given the previously low bar.

 

“However, Chris Wallace also fell into several common traps of asking whether climate change is real and discussing the cost of action without the crucial context of the cost of inaction,” Hendricks said. “The moderators of future debates should build on this foundation and investigate the candidates’ divergent plans on the climate crisis.”

 

The debate could have focused on the starkly contrasted futures Americans must choose between – tackling the crisis that global leaders call the biggest ever threat to human rights, or fueling it.

 

Instead, Wallace framed the existence of a human-made climate crisis as something that is for some Americans still debatable, asking Trump “What do you believe about the science of climate change” and “[Do] you believe that human pollution, gas, greenhouse gas emissions, contributes to the global warming of this planet”.

 

Science unequivocally shows humans are the predominant cause of global warming.

 

Trump fell back on his common refrain that he wants “crystal clean water and air”, argued we have “the lowest carbon” and said China, Russia and India send up “real dirt into the air”.

 

Wallace pushed Trump to explain his views on climate science, asking if he believes human pollution contributes to global warming of the planet.

 

“I think a lot of things do, but I think to an extent, yes,” Trump said.

 

Despite that response, Trump refused to acknowledge the impacts of climate change, which include worse wildfires. And he said climate action would drive energy prices “through the sky”.

 

Trump proudly cheerleads fossil fuels. His administration has torn down essentially every federal climate action the US has ever undertaken. And his position on climate science waffles from thinking it’s a flat-out “hoax” to questioning that humans are the main cause and confusing it with air pollution.

 

Biden, on the other hand, has laid out a $2tn plan to invest in green infrastructure that will try to eliminate US climate pollution by the middle of the century.

 

Wallace queried Biden on his climate plans, and the former vice-president spoke at length about his proposal. He said it would create “millions of good-paying jobs” and that the cost of inaction is more severe weather. He took a jab at Trump for suggesting dropping a nuclear weapon on hurricanes – which are intensifying because of the climate crisis.

 

Biden said he does not support a Green New Deal – a vision for large-scale spending to fight the climate crisis and inequality that has become a buzzword for Republicans who see Democrats as radical.

 

“You just lost the radical left,” Trump said.

 

Biden would put 40% of climate investments toward environmental justice, including in communities of color that are more likely to be surrounded by polluting fossil fuel infrastructure. But it stops short of progressive calls for Medicare for All and a federal jobs guarantee, two key components of the Green New Deal.

 

While many climate advocates were elated that a climate question was asked at all, others were disappointed.

 

“Hot and unpopular take: I would have been OK with Wallace skipping,” said RL Miller, political director of Climate Hawks Vote. “He asked a very shallow question with limited follow-up.”

Why the US presidential debate saw no winner | DW News

Tax returns shed light on entanglements between Donald Trump and Deutsch...

The explosive New York Times report on the tax situation of US President Trump is raising some uncomfortable questions for Germany's largest lender, Deutsche Bank, namely: why did Deutsche Bank loan Mr Trump 2 Billion dollars at the same time other banks, including all US banks, were not willing to do so. And while Deutsche Bank may be handlling the loans, we cannot say tonight who or what is behind that money.  In other words, we don't know who owns the debt of US President Donald Trump. And adding to the puzzle is the role played by the son of a former Supreme Court Justice. Justin Kennedy, son of former Justice Anthony Kennedy, was a division head and contact for Trump at Deutsche Bank.  Kennedy was close to the then future president while continuing to lend him money.


Alt-Right Group Proud Boys Share Trump's Words On Social Media | The 11t...

Johnson's pledges on the environment are worthless. Worse is how cynical they are

 



Climate change

Johnson's pledges on the environment are worthless. Worse is how cynical they are

George Monbiot

Pledges are made to distract and placate us - but at this year’s UN biodiversity summit, public anger cannot be extinguished

 

 @GeorgeMonbiot

Wed 30 Sep 2020 06.00 BSTLast modified on Wed 30 Sep 2020 09.54 BST

https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2020/sep/30/johnson-pledges-environment-un-biodiversity-summit

 

It’s the hope I can’t stand. Every few years, governments gather to make solemn promises about the action they will take to defend the living world, then break them before the ink is dry. Today, at the virtual UN summit on biodiversity, they will move themselves to tears with the thought of the grand things they will do, then turn off their computers and sign another mining lease.

 

Ten years ago, at the last summit, world leaders made a similar set of “inspirational” promises. Analysis published a fortnight ago showed that, of the 20 pledges agreed at Nagoya in Japan in 2010, not one has been met. The collapse of wildlife populations and our life-support systems has continued unabated: the world has now lost 68% of its wild vertebrates since 1970. It sounds brutal to say that these meetings are a total waste of time. But this is a generous assessment. By creating a false impression of progress, by assuaging fear and fobbing us off, these summits are a means not of accelerating action but thwarting it.

 

No one will be surprised to hear that the promises Boris Johnson has made at this week’s summit are worthless. But you might be surprised by how cynical they are. One of his pledges is that 30% of the UK’s land will be protected for “the recovery of nature” by 2030. This sounds astonishing, in one of the most depleted nations on Earth, until you discover he considers that 26% of our land is already used for this purpose.

 

It turns out that the government has simply totted up all the land that carries any kind of designation and classified it as “protected”. Most of it is composed of national parks and areas of outstanding natural beauty. While they are gazetted for their landscape value, and partly defended against certain kinds of built development, their status offers no meaningful protection for wildlife and habitats.

 

On the contrary, while many of these places – the Lake District is an example – are topographically spectacular, if we saw them anywhere else on Earth, we would recognise them as ecological disaster zones. The Lake District lies within our temperate rainforest belt, but its fells have been almost entirely denuded by centuries of grazing (sheep selectively browse out tree seedlings, ensuring that when the old trees die there are no young ones to replace them). These “protected” lands are wildlife deserts, sheepwrecked, grousetrashed or reduced to blasted wastes by the deer kept on overstocked “sporting” estates. Our national parks are a national disgrace, dominated by elite hunting interests and highly destructive forms of grazing that are wholly financed by taxpayers.

 

Every promise the government has made to offer such “protected” areas some actual protection has been broken. Tomorrow, the burning season begins on Britain’s grouse moors. Hang on, wasn’t the government going to ban this vandalism? It was – but did it then remember that some of its lavish donors and Johnson’s friends are grouse moor owners, or that there are grouse moors in Rishi Sunak’s constituency? The pledge has been delayed, perhaps forever. Wildlife in our paper parks will continue to be torched, and the peat that underlies the heather exposed and oxidised, releasing great plumes of carbon. Perhaps for the same reasons, grouse shoots were granted a special exemption from the government’s coronavirus rules, and taxpayers continue to subsidise shotgun licences to the tune of £10m a year.

 

The new farm subsidies the government will phase in, as we leave the European Union’s catastrophic common agricultural policy, were supposed to pay farmers for ecological restoration. They could have had a major impact in national parks, as farming there, entirely dependent on government money, will follow the incentives. But under George Eustice, the environment department, Defra, once again stands for Doing Everything Farmers’ Representatives Ask. Beholden to the worst elements of the industry, Defra has apparently already suggested that it might strip away the positive aspects of the plan.

 

Even if better policies existed on paper, the complete regulatory collapse the government has engineered would render them meaningless. The budgets of the regulatory bodies have been cut so far, their powers are so curtailed, and their staff are so frustrated and demoralised, that they are effectively incapacitated. Environmental policy magazine the ENDS Report reveals that, though thousands of offences have been committed, Natural England, which is meant to defend wildlife from destruction, imposed only five fines between 2012 and 2019. It is so desperate that it has been reduced to crowdfunding its regulation of protected wildlife sites.

 

Similarly, the Environment Agency seems incapable of defending our rivers. Despite a promise that 75% of our rivers would reach good ecological condition by 2027, government figures released this month show that the proportion remains unchanged, at 14%. And no rivers at all have achieved good chemical condition. Instead of taking the necessary action, the head of the agency, Sir James Bevan, has proposed that the standards be weakened.

 

Wherever Johnson has been, a trail of broken promises litters his path like roadkill. In March, the government announced that it was phasing out the badger cull: rather than killing badgers, it would use vaccination and controls on cattle movements to prevent bovine tuberculosis. Instead, this month we learned that it is ramping up the killing, extending the cull to 11 new parts of England. Landed power wins, even when a policy makes no scientific sense. A new analysis by the RSPB shows that, of the 20 biodiversity targets the UK promised to meet 10 years ago, it has failed to reach 17. In fact, we have slipped backwards on six of these criteria.

 

Last year’s State of Nature report shows that our wildlife populations continue to collapse. This is likely only to get worse. The government is ripping up planning rules, to permit a builders’ free for all. Its new road-building programme will cover precious wild places in concrete. Supertrawlers tear through our marine protected areas. The whole point of Brexit, from the government’s point of view, is to sweep away public protections. A US trade deal, if it happens, will ensure that the rules defending nature are first in line.

 

The government’s promises are not made to be kept. They are made to assure us, to distract us, to persuade us to put away our banners and go home quietly like good citizens, because the situation is under control. Hope is the fire extinguisher governments use to douse public anger. But public anger is the only effective defence of the living world. Keep the flame burning.

 

• George Monbiot is a Guardian columnist

 

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Donald Trump refuses to condemn white supremacists at presidential debate // Video: Trump refuses to condemn white supremacists and namechecks Proud Boys during debate

Donald Trump declined to condemn white supremacists and violent rightwing groups during a contentious first 2020 presidential debate in which the issue of anti-racism protests and civic unrest was one of the topics of discussion. Asked repeatedly by the moderator, Chris Wallace, to condemn the actions of white supremacists and other groups, such as militias or far-right organisations, Trump ignored the question and sought instead to criticise the actions of leftwing groups and activists

 

Donald Trump refuses to condemn white supremacists at presidential debate

 

President tells Proud Boys, a far-right group often associated with violent protests, to ‘stand back and stand by’

 

David Smith, Lois Beckett, Maanvi Singh, Julia Carrie Wong

Wed 30 Sep 2020 04.23 BSTLast modified on Wed 30 Sep 2020 08.45 BST

https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2020/sep/29/trump-proud-boys-debate-president-refuses-condemn-white-supremacists

 

Donald Trump declined to condemn white supremacists and violent rightwing groups during a contentious first presidential debate, instead urging a far-right group known for street brawling to “stand by” and arguing that “somebody’s got to do something” about the left.

 

The president was asked repeatedly by the moderator, Chris Wallace, to condemn violence by white supremacists and rightwing groups, such as armed militias, as well as criticizing leftwing protesters.

 

Instead, Trump addressed the Proud Boys, a far-right group whose members have been sentenced to prison for attacking leftwing protesters in political street fights, and said: “Proud Boys, stand back and stand by! But I’ll tell you what, somebody’s got to do something about antifa and the left.”

 

The Proud Boys, whose uniform is a black polo shirt, immediately celebrated the president’s comment in posts on social media platform Telegram. One Proud Boys group added the phrase “Stand Back, Stand By” to their logo. Another post was a message to Trump: “Standing down and standing by sir.”

 

Experts who study extremist groups said Trump’s message was dangerous, and could encourage additional violence.

 

“A green light like ‘stand back and standby’ is catastrophic,” Kathleen Belew, a historian of American white power movements, wrote on Twitter.

 

Trump “owes America an apology or an explanation. Now,” Jonathan Greenblatt, the CEO of the Anti-Defamation League (ADL), which monitors American extremists groups, wrote on Twitter.

 

The ADL classifies the Proud Boys as an extremist group with a misogynistic, Islamophobic, transphobic and anti-immigrant ideology, and notes that some of its members endorse white supremacist ideas. The Southern Poverty Law Center classifies it as a hate group.

 

In 2019, a New York judge who sentenced two Proud Boys members to prison for assaulting leftwing protesters after an event in New York City said that cracking down on political violence was essential.

 

“I know enough about history to know what happened in Europe in the 30s when political street brawls were allowed to go ahead,” the judge said at the Proud Boys’ sentencing, the New York Post reported.

 

Antifa is a broad term for ideologically aligned anti-fascist individuals and small groups but it is not a separate organization in any sense.

 

About 1,000 supporters of the Proud Boys, some armed, rallied in Portland, Oregon, last weekend.

 

Trump has repeatedly dog-whistled racist groups and expressed support for protesters seeking to keep Confederate monuments up on America’s streets. In the wake of violent far-right and Neo-Nazi protests in Charlottesville in 2017 – in which one counter-protester was killed – Trump said there “were very fine people, on both sides”.

 

Many observers said that Trump’s remarks prompted glee among Proud Boys’ members. “Proud Boys in social media groups are going wild about the ‘Stand back and stand by’ comment. They are basically seeing it as acknowledgment and a call to arms,” said the NBC reporter Ezra Kaplan.

 

Trump’s refusal to condemn the group prompted outrage among progressives.

 

After the debate, Biden, who has said Trump’s Charlottesville comments spurred him to run for the presidency, tweeted:

This. This is Donald Trump's America.

 

“Donald Trump is a white supremacist,” wrote the New York representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez on Twitter. “People have been warning about this for a long time. They were ridiculed, called hyperbolic & radical - not bc they were wrong, but bc others couldn’t accept that our country elected a supremacist as President.

 

“This is fascism at our door.”

 

Rashida Tlaib, the Democratic congresswoman from Michigan, echoed: “An important reminder that while racism is being debated, Donald Trump, a white supremacist, just told them to stand by. This again shows he is dangerous.”

 

Biden’s running mate, Kamala Harris, also condemned the president’s refusal to disavow white supremacists. “The president of the United States, in the year of our lord 2020, refuses to condemn white supremacists,” she said.

 

And Belén Sisa, the former Latino press secretary for Bernie Sanders, said: “When someone shows you who they really are believe them.”




Proud Boys celebrate Trump’s mention of them at the debate.

 

By Sheera Frenkel and Annie Karni

https://www.nytimes.com/2020/09/29/us/trump-proud-boys-biden.html?action=click&module=Spotlight&pgtype=Homepage

 

Members of the Proud Boys, a far-right group that has endorsed violence, celebrated on Tuesday night after President Trump mentioned them during the first presidential debate.

 

Asked whether he condemned white supremacists and military groups, Mr. Trump demurred and then said, “Proud Boys — stand back and stand by.”

 

Within minutes, members of the group were posting in private social media channels, calling the president’s comments “historic.” In one channel dedicated to the Proud Boys on Telegram, a private messaging app, group members called the president’s comment a tacit endorsement of their violent tactics.

 

In another message, a member commented that the group was already seeing a spike in “new recruits.”

 

Mr. Trump’s rival, Joseph R. Biden Jr., noted that the group was celebrating Mr. Trump’s remark, pointing in a retweet to some of the comments being made.When asked what Mr. Trump meant by “stand by,” Jason Miller, a senior adviser to the president’s campaign, said it was “very clear he wants them to knock it off.”

 

The Proud Boys describe themselves as “a pro-Western fraternal organization for men.” The group has openly endorsed violence, and has recently been tied to several violent incidents at recent protests.

 

The Proud Boys were formed in 2016 by Gavin McInnes, one of the founders of Vice Media. Mr. McInnes said in an interview in November 2018 that he was “quitting” the Proud Boys.

 

Several civil rights groups have condemned the Proud Boys, including the Southern Poverty Law Center, which classifies them as a hate group, and the Anti-Defamation League, which refers to them as “hard-core white supremacists.”

 

Twitter suspended the Proud Boys from its platform in August 2018, and Facebook followed with a similar ban in October 2018. In the years since, the group has continued to expand its numbers on other social media platforms, and has become more visible at protests.

 

Sheera Frenkel covers cybersecurity from San Francisco. Previously, she spent over a decade in the Middle East as a foreign correspondent, reporting for BuzzFeed, NPR, The Times of London and McClatchy Newspapers. @sheeraf

 

Annie Karni is a White House correspondent. She previously covered the White House and Hillary Clinton’s 2016 presidential campaign for Politico, and covered local news and politics in New York City for the New York Post and the New York Daily News. @AnnieKarni