Sánchez has one year until Spain’s election deadline. The odds are against him.
The prime
minister is still facing heat over the Ceuta crisis and a raft of Socialist
Party corruption scandals. An early election could make sense.
August
21, 2026 4:00 am CET
By Aitor
Hernández-Morales
We are
now one year away from the latest possible date — Aug. 22, 2027 — that Spain
can hold a general election.
For
embattled Socialist Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez, it looks like it’s going to
be a bruising ride to get that far. He insists he will seek reelection,
brushing aside the predictions that he is doomed by pointing to his
well-established knack for defying political gravity.
But this
time, the odds are especially stacked against him and his fragile minority
government, which has never appeared so isolated.
The
challenges that lie ahead are so daunting that Sánchez could well chuck the
schedule and call for an early vote.
Here’s
why he’s up against it.
Rough
rentrée
Summers
have historically been kind to Sánchez.
In the
past, the seasonal break helped reduce the heat generated by crises like the
June 2025 arrest of high-ranking Socialist Party official Santos Cerdán for
allegedly awarding public works contracts in exchange for kickbacks. The prime
minister was no doubt hoping a similar scenario would play out following this
spring’s high-profile indictment of his ally, former Prime Minister José Luis
Rodríguez Zapatero, on money-laundering charges, and after a major raid on his
party’s headquarters as part of a separate criminal investigation.
But just
days before he was due to head off on a beach break on the island of Lanzarote,
Sánchez’s summer was upended by a surge of 72,000 migrants into Ceuta, a
Spanish exclave in northern Africa. Even though the prime minister did
eventually resume his scheduled vacation, the Ceuta crisis has continued to
dominate the news. Thousands of unauthorized migrants remain in the city, with
local authorities complaining Madrid isn’t doing enough to address overwhelmed
hospitals and other public services.
The
government is bound to face tough grillings over security failures, whether
intelligence warnings went unheeded and whether something went badly wrong in
relations with Morocco. The Ceuta debacle also left Sánchez looking painfully
isolated on the EU stage, with 22 leaders writing a letter suggesting his
liberal migration policies could have helped attract the influx.
Nearly a
third of Sánchez’s ministers have been summoned to testify at extraordinary
hearings in the Spanish parliament next week, and the prime minister himself is
due to face tough questions when plenary sessions resume in September.
So much
for a fresh start.
Budget
bloodbath
The fall
promises no relief for Spain’s prime minister, who faces defeat in a battle
over the national cashflow.
The
minority government has been unable to pass a single budget bill during this
legislative term, and has been operating on the spending plan approved by
Sánchez’s previous government in December 2022. The Socialist leader has vowed
to submit a draft budget for 2027 this fall, but it is almost certain to be
rejected by lawmakers.
A major
obstacle is the Catalan separatist Together for Catalonia group, whose support
is key to getting any legislation passed. The party voted down the deficit
framework for the draft budget this summer, with its spokesperson, Josep Rius,
characterizing the long-shot legislation as “yet another Sánchez frivolity.”
The
separatists were instrumental in getting Sánchez a third stint as prime
minister in 2023, but relations have since soured, with the party now accusing
the government of reneging on its commitments to Catalonia, and refusing to
back budget plans it considers to be Madrid-centric.
But the
prime minister is determined to move forward, raising questions about his
motivation to present a doomed budget bill.
“There’s
growing speculation that Sánchez may want to call voters to the polls as early
as March, and the budget’s failure would provide him with an excuse to do so”
said Pablo Simón, a political scientist at Madrid’s Carlos III University, who
pointed out that Spain is due to hold local and key regional elections in May
2027.
Sánchez’s
personal unpopularity has been cited as a key factor in Socialist Party losses
in previous local and regional races. Holding national elections earlier in the
year could remove the prime minister from the equation when the May vote is
held, helping center-left candidates running in key cities and enabling the
socialists retain control of regional governments in Castilla-La Mancha,
Asturias and Navarre.
“There’s
no sense in stretching this term to its limits if you’re not only going to
lose, but drag others down with you,” Simón said.
(More)
legal woes ahead
Sánchez’s
tumultuous relationship with Spain’s judiciary is also likely to grow even more
strained over the next year.
In the
coming months the prime minister’s wife, Begoña Gómez, could stand trial on
charges of influence-peddling and embezzlement. She denies all wrongdoing, and
the prime minister has consistently argued that his wife is the victim of
so-called “lawfare” targeting his friends and family.
Spain’s
prime minister sits with his wife Begona Gómez as they attend the 41st congress
of the Spanish Socialist Workers Party (PSOE) at the Palacio de
Gómez’s
trial follows on this summer’s conviction of the prime minister’s brother on
administrative misconduct charges, in connection to the rigged allocation of a
public job — a ruling Sánchez called “unjust.”
Beyond
the cases involving his immediate family, the prime minister faces potentially
damaging judicial probes into alleged bid-rigging and kickbacks involving key
allies — as well as an explosive investigation into suspected illegal financing
of his Socialist Party.
Crucial
parliamentary allies such as Gabriel Rufián of the Republican Left of Catalonia
have warned that illegal financing is a “red line.” Hard evidence could force
Spain’s current prime minister to suffer the same fate as his conservative
predecessor, Mariano Rajoy, whom Sánchez ousted from power after his People’s
Party was proven to have engaged in the same crime.
Left-wing
logjam
Spain’s
fragmented politics make majority governments increasingly unlikely: Power goes
to whoever can secure enough parliamentary support to be declared prime
minister.
For now,
the polling suggests the center-right People’s Party and the far-right Vox
party are on course to control a majority of seats in the parliament in 2027.
The two parties currently govern in coalition in four Spanish regions, and PP
leader Alberto Núñez Feijóo in June explicitly endorsed a partnership at the
national level.
Sánchez
faces tougher odds in building an alliance strong enough to keep him in power.
In 2023, he formed a coalition with the Sumar group — an amalgam of far-left
parties — and won the backing of key regionalist and separatist parties.
But this
time around, the numbers don’t add up. Sumar has effectively collapsed amid
internal infighting, and its unifying leader, Deputy Prime Minister Yolanda
Díaz, has ruled out standing as its candidate at the next election. Polls
indicate the far left will suffer heavy losses at the national level, leaving
Sánchez with fewer viable paths to a parliamentary majority.
No relief
abroad
There are
also signs that Sánchez will no longer be able to boost his fortunes at home
through his performances on the global stage.
Engagement
in international affairs — ranging from his condemnation of Israel’s military
operations in Gaza, to his ongoing feud with U.S. President Donald Trump — has
previously bolstered his standing in Spain.
But
political scientist Simón said that the harsh criticism the prime minister from
fellow EU leaders for his handling of the Ceuta crisis reveals he is
increasingly considered to be a figure on his way out.
“As one
of the few social democrats still governing in Europe, his positions are out of
step with the conservative consensus, and they aren’t taken seriously because
he is now seen as a lame duck who is going to lose the next elections,” said
Simón.
“That
leaves him with little capacity to make a difference because he isn’t seen as
representing Spain’s position at this point,” he added. “Everyone accepts
someone else will be in charge next year, and likely have a very different
perspective.”
Sánchez’s
broader international vulnerabilities will be on display in November, when
Madrid hosts a summit of Ibero-American heads of government that will
underscore the region’s rightward shift. Roughly half the leaders attending are
from the right, and include figures like Argentina’s populist president, Javier
Milei, with whom the prime minister has a prickly relationship.
“The summit highlights a global political realignment,” said Simón. “One that Spain narrowly avoided in 2023, but seems increasingly inevitable next year".
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