Guide to Scottish National Party splits and
factions
Ahead of the SNP’s fall conference, POLITICO looks at
the party’s various camps.
SNP
Conference Day Two
Nicola
Sturgeon leads a divided Scottish National Party
BY ANDREW
MCDONALD
November
28, 2020 11:16 am
https://www.politico.eu/article/snp-conference-splits-factions-indyref2/
EDINBURGH —
In office for 13 years with no end to power in sight, the Scottish National
Party are closer than ever to achieving their desired prize of independence.
For the
first time, opinion polling consistently points to majority support for the
country to split from the rest of the United Kingdom. SNP leader and Scottish
First Minister Nicola Sturgeon is overwhelmingly popular, her handling of the
coronavirus pandemic well-regarded compared with Boris Johnson’s government.
Opinion
polling also points to a clear SNP victory in next May’s elections to the
Holyrood Scottish parliament — which the party thinks would give them a mandate
for a second independence referendum. The U.K. government disagrees.
Despite the
party’s strong position, it remains a divided one over strategy, personalities
and, on occasion, policy.
Scotland’s
Finance Secretary Kate Forbes — sometimes touted as a potential successor to
Sturgeon — played down the party’s splits, telling POLITICO that the party
isn’t as disunited as it is depicted in media reports and that debate is
healthy.
“As
somebody who is involved with my local branches and the grassroots, I don’t
think that the party is as disunited as it’s often portrayed or presented.
Whether it’s on timings of another referendum, the nature of an independent
Scotland or devolved policy areas, debate is good,” she said.
Ahead of
the SNP’s annual conference, which starts Saturday, POLITICO runs through the
splits, differences of opinion and “debate” that has come to define the party
arguably as strongly as their ultimate goal of independence.
Timing is
everything
Talk of SNP
history often focuses on two traditions — that of gradualists and
fundamentalists.
Dominant in
the party leadership for decades, the former is the view that Scottish
independence can only be won through incremental gains, first gaining Scots’ trust
and proving the country can govern itself before pushing for full separation
from the U.K. Nationalists subscribing to the latter view argue the party
should emphasize independence and push for it loudly and without fear.
Never the
tidiest of definitions, most elected SNP officials would argue they don’t fall
easily into either camp.
But
nevertheless, in today’s party, this old dividing line is represented in
internal battles over the timing of a future referendum — and what to do if
Westminster says no.
The
boisterous leader of the SNP at Westminster, Ian Blackford, lit a match to some
of the tensions earlier this month when he told the Sunday National newspaper
that a second referendum “must” be held in 2021.
The call
was sharply rebuffed by figures in the party, one of whom told the Times that
“it won’t be Ian Blackford who gets to decide the date. It will be the first
minister and the Cabinet.”
Blackford
is the most senior figure in the SNP to have diverged from the Holyrood
leadership’s position, which has been more cautious and noncommittal about the
timescale of any future referendum after the election due to the coronavirus
pandemic. He represents a sect of new SNP fundamentalism that advocates a firm
commitment to a referendum next year.
Sturgeon
set out her own position Thursday, neither ruling out the prospect of a 2021
referendum or endorsing the idea but instead calling for a vote in the “earlier
part of the next Scottish parliament,” which is due to last four years.
But what if
Westminster says no?
Boris
Johnson has repeatedly said he won’t countenance a second independence
referendum. In his short premiership, he has already formally rejected the idea
and No. 10 has been clear that it doesn’t view a victory by any margin next May
as a mandate.
SNP politicians
are divided over how to respond.
Sturgeon
has always said Scotland should agree a referendum under the same terms as the
2014 vote, which was granted by a so-called Section 30 order, a reference to
part of the 1998 Scotland Act which, when triggered, allows Holyrood to pass
laws in areas that are normally set by Westminster.
The
argument goes that the U.K. government’s position of rejecting another transfer
of powers is unsustainable if SNP electoral success continues. Finance
Secretary Forbes supports this view, adding that government opposition to a
referendum is only increasing support for independence.
Forbes
said: “Every time they say no, I strongly suggest that they are recruiting more
people to the cause of independence.
“You don’t
have to support independence to realize that for the U.K. government to
continue to say no is unsustainable. My hope will be that the U.K. government
comes to see it themselves, because they’re not doing their own cause any
favors right now.”
Other SNP
figures disagree. Some, including Edinburgh MP Joanna Cherry, have called for a
legal testing of the waters by holding a referendum even if Westminster doesn’t
transfer power for one.
Cherry said
Friday in a lecture to a Welsh university that the Scottish government should
put forward a “carefully crafted bill” for a second referendum to Holyrood in
the event of a pro-independence majority in the election. Also a QC, Cherry
said it would then be for the courts to determine if a legal referendum could
proceed.
Some go
even further. Angus MacNeil, an MP from the Western Isles, and Chris McEleny, a
councilor with a wide following within the independence movement, have called
for a more radical “plan B.”
The pair
have argued that if Westminster refuses to consider a second referendum, next
May’s election should instead become a proxy — meaning that a majority SNP win
would be a mandate to open immediate negotiations for an independent Scotland.
They claimed a debate on “plan B” at the party’s conference was blocked by an
SNP committee.
Sturgeon
has said that either alternative path “would not carry the legal, political and
diplomatic weight that is needed.”
The specter
of Alex Salmond
Former
First Minister Alex Salmond retains an elephantine presence in the party,
despite not holding any elected office since losing his seat in 2017.
The subject
of a Scottish government probe investigating sexual misconduct in 2018, Salmond
challenged the government’s internal investigation and pursued a judicial
review. The review found that the investigation against him — by the government
he used to lead — had been unlawful and tainted by bias.
After
Salmond was also acquitted of all offences in a criminal trial earlier this
year, a Holyrood inquiry is currently looking into the Scottish government’s
mishandling of the initial investigation.
The affair
has damaged relations between Sturgeon and Salmond — once close allies and
friends as first and deputy first minister — in a very public way.
Salmond
still has plenty of allies in the party. Some, like Cherry, have been building
up a base of support and have on occasion publicly disagreed with the current
leadership on strategy and independence planning.
Others are
much less tactful. East Lothian MP Kenny MacAskill — a former Scottish
government justice secretary under Salmond — has been vocally critical of
Sturgeon and the party’s direction on multiple occasions.
In
September, MacAskill went as far as to call for the suspension of the SNP’s CEO
Peter Murrell over leaked WhatsApp messages he sent during the Scottish
government’s investigation into Salmond.
As well as
his powerful role within the party’s internal structures, Murrell is also
married to Sturgeon. He is due to provide oral evidence at Holyrood’s Salmond
inquiry next month.
What — and
who — is next?
There have
been some minor splits from the SNP in the last year.
Two new
pro-independence parties have registered with the electoral commission ahead of
May’s election, with former SNP members and some former politicians joining
forces with either the Action for Independence Party or Independence for
Scotland Party.
Further
physical splits are unlikely — even SNP critics of the current leadership
recognize that a larger split would potentially damage the strong polling a Yes
vote currently enjoys.
Critics and
supporters alike are instead beginning to look ahead to the potential prospect
of a leadership contest.
Though
Sturgeon has served six years as first minister and has indicated she will at
least serve another term if reelected, an inquiry is currently investigating
whether she broke the ministerial code during her government’s investigation
into Salmond.
She told
the BBC Thursday that she was “satisfied” with her conduct and the decisions
she took, refusing to say whether she would resign if the inquiry ruled against
her.
Sturgeon
could also come under pressure if the strategy to force the concession of a
referendum from Westminster fails after the election.
Waiting in
the wings for any potential contest are the likes of MP Joanna Cherry, who increased
her profile via a Brexit court case last year and is said to be considering a
leadership bid at some stage. Earlier this year, she lost out on an attempt to
swap a Westminster seat for Holyrood one when the party changed selection
rules.
Cherry claimed
the rules were secretly changed in a bid to “hobble” her candidacy, which
directly rivaled Angus Robertson, an ally of Sturgeon’s and also seen as a
potential successor.
Other
potential candidates sometimes mentioned include Holyrood Justice Secretary
Humza Yousaf, the young left-wing MP Mhairi Black and Finance Secretary Kate
Forbes, though she told POLITICO in an interview that she doesn’t want the job.
The only
certainty in any future leadership contest is that it is unlikely to run as
smoothly as in 2014 — when the keys for office passed from Salmond to Sturgeon
without challenge.
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