News
Analysis
Trump
Wanted Canada as the 51st State. He Ended Up Pushing It Toward the European
Union.
The
invitation by the E.U. for Canada to become an “associate member” is a sign of
Mr. Trump’s brand of diplomacy, which often involves threatening America’s
closest friends.
President
Donald J. Trump with Prime Minister Mark Carney of Canada in the Oval Office
last October. Credit...Haiyun Jiang/The New York Times
By Luke Broadwater and Michael Crowley
Sept. 16,
2026
https://www.nytimes.com/2026/09/16/us/politics/trump-canada-51st-state-eu.html
Early in
his second term, President Trump wanted Canada so entwined with the United
States that he even set out to make it the 51st state. Instead, he has driven
Canada into the arms of the European Union, after antagonizing the Canadians
for months, taunting the country’s prime minister and waging a relentless
trade war.
The invitation
by the European Union on Wednesday for Canada to become an “associate
member” is a sign of the knock-on effects of Mr. Trump’s brand of diplomacy,
which often involves threatening countries that once were considered America’s
closest friends.
And even
if the gesture by the E.U. ends up being more symbolic than substantive, it
shows how Mr. Trump is upending global relationships in ways that will be
difficult to undo.
“We
should see this action from Canada and the E.U. as a direct consequence of
Trump’s actions and rhetoric,” said James Batchik, a deputy director at the
Atlantic Council’s Europe Center. “The rhetoric around making Canada the 51st
state, and the threats against Greenland, which are still highly, highly,
controversial and remembered in Brussels, are really reminders for both sides
that the United States is not necessarily that trusted ally that it once was.”
At every
turn, Mr. Trump’s bullying approach to Canada has appeared to backfire. His
trade war stirred up trouble
for embattled Republicans in swing states, endangering G.O.P. control of
the Senate. And his hostility toward Canadian leaders helped surge the
country’s struggling liberal party, no friend of Mr. Trump’s, to
electoral victory.
President
Trump responded to the E.U.’s overture to Canada with fury while speaking to
reporters Wednesday night.
“Canada’s
been a terrible trade partner,” he said. “No, I don’t see that. If they do
that, if I think it’s at all a hostile act, I will put very serious tariffs or
stop trading with Europe on many things. So, if they do that, if Europe does
that, with a bad intention — if it’s a good intention, that’s fine — if it’s a
bad intention we’ll put very heavy tariffs on Europe, which is a possibility.”
Mr.
Trump’s battle with Canada is part of his striking focus on a Western
Hemisphere that recent presidents, typically consumed with the Middle East and
Asia, have often neglected.
Mr.
Trump, emboldened after a U.S. operation that toppled the leader of Venezuela,
has set his sights this year on other countries in the Western Hemisphere. He
has applied massive economic pressure against Cuba and proposed a “friendly
takeover.” He has threatened to seize
the Panama Canal and to wrest
the North American island of Greenland from Denmark.
In an
update of the Monroe Doctrine, the 1823 foundational statement of U.S. claims
over the Western Hemisphere, with what he called the “Trump Corollary,” Mr.
Trump formally declared that “the American people — not foreign
nations nor globalist institutions — will always control their own destiny in
our hemisphere.”
(Mr.
Trump often refers to the concept as the “Donroe Doctrine,” named after
himself.)
In the
cases of Cuba and Venezuela, Mr. Trump’s policies are led by Secretary of State
Marco Rubio, a Cuban-American whose interest in Latin America is driven by his
strong anti-socialist ideology. Mr. Rubio has shown far less public enthusiasm
for Mr. Trump’s territorial claims than he does for democratizing the region.
But Mr.
Trump’s fixation with Canada is mainly rooted in trade and economics, not
territory or politics.
The
president started his second term threatening
Canada’s previous leader, Justin Trudeau, whom Mr. Trump publicly derided,
with unilaterally scrapping agreements that have governed the relationship
between the neighboring countries for over a century.
He has
imposed tariffs on Canada, which with Mexico is one of America’s two top
trading partners, that are crippling some of Canada’s key economic sectors,
such as autos, steel, aluminum and lumber.
In part
because of Mr. Trump’s attacks, Canadians rallied around Mr. Trudeau’s
successor, Prime Minister Mark Carney, who positioned himself as a fighter
against the American president. This year, Mr. Carney delivered a speech in
Davos, Switzerland, in which he called for a new world order, no longer led by
America, prompting global political and corporate leaders in the audience to
rise from their seats for a rare standing ovation.
“The
middle powers must act together because if we’re not at the table, we’re on the
menu,” Mr. Carney said.
Liana
Fix, a senior fellow for Europe at the Council on Foreign Relations, said it
wasn’t clear what Canada becoming an “associate member” of the E.U. would mean,
beyond trade and defense agreements already in place. But Canada and the
European Union will meet for a summit at the end of October, when they are
expected to lay out more concrete ideas.
Ursula
von der Leyen, the president of the European Union, has said Canada and Europe
could work more closely together on the Arctic, their defense industrial bases
and critical minerals.
“The E.U.
wants to make a statement that the middle powers have a say and will not be
bullied by the Trump administration,” Ms. Fix said.
The
reaction of Canada and European leaders is perhaps unsurprising, given Mr.
Trump’s penchant for attacking allies and playing nice with historic rivals,
Mr. Batchik said.
“Donald
Trump has been pulling his punches toward some of our adversaries, top of mind
Russia and China, and doubling down and taking a rather gleeful approach to
needling our previous would-be allies,” Mr. Batchik said. “You’re starting to
see many across Europe taking that to heart and saying, OK, if that’s truly the
case, if that’s how the United States is going to treat its allies, they’re
just going to look elsewhere.”
It could
end up being “a generational turn away from the United States,” he said, “or at
least will take a significant amount of energy and time to repair these
relations.”
Erica L.
Green contributed.
Luke Broadwater covers
the White House for The Times.
Michael Crowley covers
the State Department and U.S. foreign policy for The Times. He has reported
from nearly three dozen countries and often travels with the secretary of
state.

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