The
Guardian view on the French left: division makes Marine Le Pen’s path to the
Élysée more straightforward
Two years
ago, progressive parties allied to see off the far right in a parliamentary
election. Ahead of a seismic presidential election, that unity is missing
Tue 25
Aug 2026 18.27 BST
In the
summer of 2024, as polls suggested that Marine Le Pen’s far-right Rassemblement
National party would win a snap legislative election rashly
called by Emmanuel Macron, the perennially fragmented French left united to
spectacular effect. The New Popular Front, whose name evoked Léon Blum’s anti-fascist
alliance in the 1930s, came first in
a poll that delivered a hung parliament.
Eight
months before a presidential contest in which Ms Le Pen is the clear
frontrunner, the prospect of a repeat performance appears close to zero.
Jean-Luc Mélenchon, the leader of the hard-left France Unbowed, and Olivier
Faure, the leader of the Socialist party (PS), have both ruled out the idea of
backing a single candidate. Efforts by
the Greens to broker talks between progressive parties have fallen on deaf
ears.
The
obvious danger, as the most important election in the history of the Fifth
Republic looms, is that chronic division will ease Ms Le Pen’s path to the
Élysée. The 75-year-old Mr Mélenchon is a deeply polarising figure who has
failed three times to reach the second round of a presidential race. But in a
fractured field, the loyalty of his base among the young, the urban precariat
and ethnic minority voters gives him a credible chance of making the runoff
this time. At which point, polls predict,
France’s traditional “Republican front” against the far right would
disintegrate, handing Ms Le Pen a crushing victory.
Within
the PS, the picture is one of confusion and debilitating internal rivalries.
Raphael Glucksmann, the leader of Public Square, a small sister
movement, declared his
candidacy on Sunday and is favourite to win a joint primary. But senior figures
such as the former president François Hollande are rumoured to be waiting
to make their own move later on. The Greens are divided over
whether to offer support to Mr Mélenchon’s uncompromising leftism and
reward his new emphasis on the environment, or back Mr Glucksmann’s more
centrist strategy.
Jean-Luc
Mélenchon. Photograph: Raphaël Lafargue/Abaca/Shutterstock
All of
which makes Mr Glucksmann’s stated ambition to
“rebuild the left” seem somewhat optimistic. A Parisian intellectual married to
a famous television newsreader (who has taken leave for the duration of the
campaign), he is polling at 10% and is unburdened by the aura of failure that
has dogged the Socialist party in recent years. But if he becomes its
presidential candidate, he will face the same challenge as his immediate
predecessors: how to reconnect with alienated blue-collar towns that now vote
for Ms Le Pen, while simultaneously courting Mr Mélenchon’s urban radicals and
reassuring middle-class voters who deserted for Mr Macron.
In 2022,
the former Paris mayor Anne Hidalgo comprehensively flunked that
test, receiving 1.75% of votes cast. A historic humiliation was partly the
result of progressive voters calculating that Mr Mélenchon was the left
candidate with the best chance of coming second, thus excluding Ms Le Pen from
the runoff. But as the 2027 campaign begins in earnest, she enjoys a 20-point
lead in the polls, and another place in the second round is all but assured.
The
question, therefore, is who can rally enough support from across the political
spectrum to stop her becoming president. A united left would have had a far
better chance of coming up with a convincing answer. But that is not the
left France currently has.

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