When Haley Dodged the Slavery Question, She Put
Her Coalition at Risk
Nikki Haley’s avoidance of mentioning slavery as a
cause of the conflict, which she walked back on Thursday, threatened to dent
her crossover appeal to independents and moderate Democrats.
Jonathan
WeismanJazmine Ulloa
By Jonathan
Weisman and Jazmine Ulloa
Dec. 28,
2023
https://www.nytimes.com/2023/12/28/us/politics/nikki-haley-civil-war-slavery.html
Prominent
Democratic donors, anxious about the increasingly authoritarian language of
Donald J. Trump, have been calling on Democratic voters and independents to
thwart the former president’s comeback by voting for Nikki Haley in open
Republican primary elections.
But Ms.
Haley’s political gaffe on Wednesday night, when the presidential hopeful and
former governor of South Carolina stumbled through the causes of the Civil War
with no mention of slavery, may make that appeal considerably harder just as
she is edging closer to striking distance of Mr. Trump in New Hampshire.
Ms. Haley
on Thursday walked back her answer about the causes of the Civil War, telling a
New Hampshire interviewer, “Of course the Civil War was about slavery.”
Her retreat
came about 12 hours after a town-hall meeting in Berlin, N.H., a state that is
central to her presidential ambitions, where she was asked about the Civil
War’s origins. Her answer focused on government overreach and “the freedoms of
what people could and couldn’t do,” after she jokingly told the questioner he
had posed a tough one. He then noted that she had not uttered the word
“slavery.”
“What do
you want me to say about slavery?” Ms. Haley replied. “Next question.”
Democrats
savaged her answer. The Democratic National Committee called her comments
“vile” and her cleanup efforts “pathetic.” Late Wednesday night, even President
Biden rebuked her: “It was about slavery,” he wrote on social media.
All of that
came a month after Jamie Dimon, the chief executive of JPMorgan Chase and a
prominent Democratic donor, threw his support behind Ms. Haley, and implored
other donors at The New York Times’s DealBook Summit, “Even if you’re a very
liberal Democrat, I urge you, help Nikki Haley, too.”
Reid
Hoffman, the billionaire co-founder of LinkedIn and a major Democratic donor,
gave $250,000 to a super PAC supporting Ms. Haley.
With recent
polls showing Ms. Haley surging into second place in New Hampshire, her
crossover appeal is becoming more relevant, for independents and for Democrats
who might have registered as independents to vote in the Republican primary on
Jan. 23, the first in the nation. To win the Granite State contest, she will
most likely need those voters, just as Senator John McCain of Arizona did when
he upset George W. Bush in the state’s 2000 primary.
“If
Democrats believe Republicans should hold their noses and vote for Joe Biden
for the sake of democracy, they can model that in New Hampshire by crossing
over and holding their noses to vote for Haley in the G.O.P. primary,” said Ian
Bassin, a democracy advocate who recently won a MacArthur Foundation “genius”
grant for his work. “Not because she’s a good candidate — she’s not — but
because Donald Trump is an existential threat to America and any vote to stop
him is a service to the country.”
Ms. Haley
did not help that cause this week. Speaking on the radio show “The Pulse of New
Hampshire” on Thursday morning, Ms. Haley, who famously removed the Confederate
battle flag from the grounds of the South Carolina Capitol in Columbia, tried
to make amends: “Yes, I know it was about slavery. I am from the South.”
But she
also insinuated that the question had come not from a Republican voter but from
a political detractor, accusing Mr. Biden and Democrats of “sending plants” to
her town-hall events.
“Why are
they hitting me? See this for what it is,” she said, adding, “They want to run
against Trump.”
Members of
the South Carolina State Police removing the Confederate flag from the
statehouse grounds in 2015.Credit...Stephen B. Morton for The New York Times
Her Civil
War comments did not go away. By Thursday afternoon, the campaigns of all of
her rivals for the Republican nomination, including Mr. Trump and Gov. Ron
DeSantis of Florida, had slammed her gaffe. Mr. DeSantis, who clashed with
rivals over the summer about Florida’s educational standards for the teaching
of slavery, accused her of having “some problems with some basic American
history.”
He said,
“It’s not that difficult to identify and acknowledge the role slavery played in
the Civil War.”
The
campaign of former Gov. Chris Christie of New Jersey, the field’s most
outspoken critic of Mr. Trump, promised to keep her Civil War answer front and
center. “She didn’t say what she said last night and today about this because
she’s dumb,” Mr. Christie said on Thursday night at a campaign event in Epping,
N.H. “She’s not, she’s smart, and she knows better.” He added, “The reason she
did it is just as bad if not worse, and she got everybody concerned about her
candidacy. She did it because she’s unwilling to offend anyone by telling the
truth.”
Ms. Haley’s
allies rushed to her defense. Tom Davis, a Haley surrogate and Republican state
senator in South Carolina, said he understood “sharp elbows and rough
questions” were part of any presidential campaign but argued that her critics
had no place schooling Ms. Haley, an Indian American woman raised in the rural
South, on racial division, racism and slavery.
“This space
right here is where Nikki Haley needs no defending,” he said, pointing to her
historic victory as the first woman of color to lead the state.
Ms. Haley’s
remarks echoed a 150-year-old argument from segregationists that the Civil War
was fundamentally about states’ rights and economics, not about ending slavery.
“I think the cause of the Civil War was basically how government was going to
run,” she said on Wednesday night, “the freedoms and what people could and
couldn’t do.”
She tried
to walk back that interpretation on Thursday, asking: “What’s the lesson in all
this? That freedom matters. And individual rights and liberties matter for all
people. That’s the blessing of America. That was a stain on America when we had
slavery. But what we want is never relive it. Never let anyone take those
freedoms away again.”
Some
Democrats implored potential crossover voters to stay with Ms. Haley as the
most plausible alternative to Mr. Trump. On Thursday, the Trump campaign
released a new television advertisement with the kind of fear-mongering and
violent imagery that Democrats promoting Ms. Haley have denounced, warning of
“the possibility of a Hamas attack” on the United States.
“The 2024
election is about Donald Trump, whose promised governing strategy is political
violence and retribution,” said Dmitri Mehlhorn, a prominent Democratic donor
and finance executive with close ties to Mr. Hoffman. “If we really want to
stop him and his MAGA allies who instigated and still defend Jan. 6, we have to
swallow hard and team up with anyone who can beat them.”
Ms. Haley’s
appeal as a candidate of moderation is mixed. As governor of South Carolina,
she signed some of the harshest immigration and anti-abortion laws in the
country at the time, as well as a stringent voter identification law that
required photo ID at the ballot box.
But she
also blocked a bill to stop transgender youths from using bathrooms that
corresponded to their gender identity and drew national acclaim for her push to
lower the Confederate battle flag after a white supremacist opened fire and
killed nine Black worshipers at a Charleston church, including a beloved state
senator, in 2015.
Now, on the
campaign trail, she has sought to strike a softer tone on her record and some
of the thorniest issues facing her party, trying to thread the needle on
abortion and casting herself as a mother and daughter of immigrants who is
prepared to help turn the page on the nation’s era of divisive politics.
“Haley’s
refusal to talk honestly about slavery or race in America is a sad betrayal of
her own story,” said Representative Ro Khanna, Democrat of California.
Still,
several Democratic state lawmakers who worked with her on the effort to remove
the flag, said they saw parallels between her remarks this week and those she
made in a 2010 interview with Confederate heritage group leaders, in which she
argued that the Confederate flag was “not something racist” but about tradition
and heritage. In that exchange, she also said she could leverage her identity
as a minority woman to fend off calls to boycott the flag.
After the
church shooting shook South Carolina, Ms. Haley seized on the newfound
political will among state lawmakers on both sides of the aisle, spurring
accusations from some that the heavy lifting to remove the flag had taken place
in the State Legislature.
“If she
hadn’t supported the flag coming down, yeah, it would have been much harder to
get it down — I think that’s true,” said Vincent Sheheen, a former Democratic
state senator in South Carolina who unsuccessfully ran against Ms. Haley in
2010 and 2014. “But the key was kind of putting her in a box where she had to
support a club.”
Mr. Davis,
the Haley ally who was elected in 2008 and was serving in the State Legislature
at the time, argued that it was Ms. Haley who helped frame the debate as a
matter of “reciprocal grace,” telling him and others that the forgiveness the
families of the victims had shown the killer was an act that needed to be
returned.
“To say it
would have happened without her, to minimize her role — that is not just
right,” he said, recalling the political blowback she faced over the decision.
“It was not a safe political position for her to take, especially in the
Republican Party.”
Nicholas
Nehamas and Christopher Cameron contributed reporting.
Jonathan
Weisman is a politics writer, covering campaigns with an emphasis on economic
and labor policy. He is based in Chicago. More about Jonathan Weisman
Jazmine
Ulloa is a national politics reporter for The Times, covering the 2024
presidential campaign. She is based in Washington. More about Jazmine
Ulloa
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