Washington in Final Convulsions of Trump Era
After President Trump urged supporters not to stand
for his election defeat, crowds of angry partisans stormed the Capitol, putting
a halt to the congressional acceptance of the election and bringing a violent
end to his presidency.
Peter Baker
By Peter
Baker
Jan. 6, 2021
Updated
4:24 p.m. ET
WASHINGTON
— For years, President Trump’s critics who warned of worst-case scenarios were
dismissed as alarmists. But the worst case appeared to be materializing on
Wednesday as the president’s supporters stormed the United States Capitol,
forcing a halt to the process formalizing his election defeat and the
evacuation of Vice President Mike Pence and members of Congress.
In a
remarkable scene evocative of coups and uprisings associated with authoritarian
countries around the world, the Capitol was put on lockdown as tear gas was
deployed inside the citadel of American democracy and police officers guarding
the House chamber drew their pistols in an armed standoff. While the nation’s
lawmakers fled, the mob made it onto the dais of the Senate where the vice
president had stood shortly before.
The
extraordinary invasion of the Capitol came shortly after Mr. Trump egged on his
admirers at a rally to march to the headquarters of Congress to protest its
acceptance of the results of the election that he lost, even suggesting that he
would join them, although he did not. Although he did not explicitly urge them
to force their way into the building, he told them that his presidency was
being stolen and that no one should stand for it, inciting passions that
overflowed not long after on the other end of the Pennsylvania Avenue.
Only after
the situation escalated did Mr. Trump finally appeal for calm. “I am asking for
everyone at the U.S. Capitol to remain peaceful,” he wrote on Twitter. “No violence!
Remember, WE are the Party of Law & Order — respect the Law and our great
men and women in Blue. Thank you!”
Mick
Mulvaney, who served as Mr. Trump’s White House chief of staff and later become
a special envoy, made a similar appeal. “The President’s tweet is not enough,”
he wrote. “He can stop this now and needs to do exactly that. Tell these folks
to go home.”
The
president’s critics placed the blame on him for encouraging the violent
response by repeatedly telling Americans that the election was stolen from him
when it was not. “This is what the president has caused today, this
insurrection,” Senator Mitt Romney, Republican of Utah, said as he was ushered
with other lawmakers into a secure location that the authorities asked not be
disclosed.
Representative
Adam Kinzinger, Republican of Illinois and another outspoken critic of the
president, went even further, accusing the president’s supporters of seeking
the violent overthrow of the government. “This is a coup attempt,” he wrote on
Twitter.
While
Washington has seen many protests over the years, including some that turned
violent, the convulsion on Wednesday was unlike anything that the capital has
seen during a transition of power in modern times, literally interrupting the
constitutional acceptance of the election victory of President-elect Joseph R.
Biden Jr. A presidency that has stirred hostility and divisions for four years
appeared to be ending in an explosion of anger, disorder and violence.
“We will
never give up,” Mr. Trump had declared at a “Save America” rally on the Ellipse
shortly before the uprising, his last-gasp effort to justify his failing bid to
overturn the democratic election with false claims of fraud that have been
debunked by elections, judges and even his own attorney general. “We will never
concede. It doesn’t happen. You don’t concede when there’s theft involved. Our
country has had enough. We will not take it anymore, and that’s what this is
all about.”
As the
crowd on the Ellipse chanted, “Fight for Trump! Fight for Trump!” the president
lashed out at members of his own party for not doing more to help him cling to
power over the will of the people. “There are so many weak Republicans,” he
growled and then vowed to take revenge against those he deemed insufficiently
loyal. “You primary them,” he said.
He singled
out Gov. Brian Kemp of Georgia, a Republican who has angered him by not
intervening in the election, calling him “one of the dumbest governors in the
United States.” And he went after William P. Barr, the attorney general who
would not validate his election complaints. “All of a sudden, Bill Barr
changed,” he groused.
Other
speakers, including his sons Donald Trump Jr. and Eric Trump, excoriated
Republican lawmakers for not standing up for Mr. Trump. “The people who did
nothing to stop the steal — this gathering should send a message to them,”
Donald Trump Jr. said. “This isn’t their Republican Party anymore. This is
Donald Trump’s Republican Party.”
Even Mr.
Pence and Senator Mitch McConnell of Kentucky, the Republican leader, who have
been among the most loyal supporters of Mr. Trump for four years, finally broke
with him in a decisive way. Mr. Pence rebuffed the president’s demand that he
use his role as presiding officer over the Electoral College count to reject
electors for Mr. Biden. And Mr. McConnell gave a forceful speech repudiating
Mr. Trump’s effort to overturn the election.
“If this
election were overturned by mere allegations from the losing side, our
democracy would enter a death spiral,” Mr. McConnell said in a speech before
the rioters overran the Capitol.
Mr. Pence
rejected the president just minutes after Mr. Trump continued to publicly
pressure him to do what even the president’s longtime lawyer Jay Sekulow said
the vice president did not have the power to do — reject the electors of swing
states Republicans lost. “I hope Mike is going to do the right thing,” Mr.
Trump told the rally on the Ellipse. “I hope so. I hope so because if Mike
Pence does the right thing, we win the election.”
Just
minutes later, Mr. Pence released a letter saying he did not have the power to
do what the president wanted him to do. “Vesting the vice president with
unilateral authority to decide presidential contests would be entirely
antithetical to that [constitutional] design,” he wrote. He added: “It is my
considered judgment that my oath to support and defend the Constitution
constrains me from claiming unilateral authority to determine which electoral
votes should be counted and which should not.”
Peter Baker
is the chief White House correspondent and has covered the last four presidents
for The Times and The Washington Post. He also is the author of six books, most
recently "The Man Who Ran Washington: The Life and Times of James A. Baker
III." @peterbakernyt • Facebook







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