‘Clash of civilizations’ looms over EU elections
Far-right parties are cashing in on decades of
campaigning against Islam and migration, as they move to the center ground.
BY CLEA
CAULCUTT AND NICHOLAS VINOCUR
DECEMBER 1,
2023 4:00 AM CET
https://www.politico.eu/article/far-right-european-elections-wilders-le-pen-chega/
Geert
Wilders may be just the tip of the iceberg.
Following
the anti-Islam politician’s shock election win in the Netherlands, European
elites are nervously scanning the political landscape for signs of what’s to
come — including further surprise wins from far-right candidates.
What they
see is enough to send shivers down the spine of any EU-loving, centrist type:
In nearly a dozen European countries, including France and Germany, hardline
anti-immigration parties, some of them more extreme than Wilders, are currently
topping the polls, or in a close second place.
Europe’s
struggle to bring irregular migration under control and the cost-of-living
crisis is nothing new. What is new, however, is the Israel-Hamas war, which is
inflaming civilizational tensions at the heart of many European countries with
large Muslim populations, analysts and senior political operatives tell
POLITICO.
As
pro-Palestinian protests bring tens of thousands of people onto the streets of
cities from London to Berlin against a backdrop of growing anxiety around
migration, terrorism and the economy, long-serving far-right politicians like
Wilders and France’s Marine Le Pen don’t necessarily need to turn up the
rhetoric.
The
demonstrations have certainly played to their advantage, and the far-right
chieftains know this. At a pre-election debate, Wilders vented: “Where do all
these people come from? Is this my country?” fuming about protests marred by
alleged incidents of antisemitism. Le Pen meanwhile has courted France’s
anxious Jewish community, noisily supporting Israel and turning up at a march
against antisemitism, despite the egregious history of her party.
They are
not however engaging in the all-out crusade of the Swedish Democrats, which has
called for mosques to be flattened. Instead they are reaping the benefits of
the anti-establishment “brands” they have painstakingly built up over decades,
in an effort to appear more mainstream ahead of the EU elections. In the
Netherlands, it was an almost subdued Wilders who unexpectedly jumped to the
top of Dutch polls in the final days before a general election.
But the
toning down of the political messaging doesn’t mean far right leaders are
dropping their core beliefs and are not trying to appeal to an electorate that
is moving further to the right.
“It’s gone
beyond immigration … it’s the sense of a clash of civilization, the feeling
that there are frictions between Islam and the West,” said Jean-Yves Camus, a
specialist of far-right movements in Europe for the Jean Jaurès Foundation in
Paris.
“It’s a
fear expressed on the right wing of the conservatives, where Islam is seen as
being contrary to the European way of life … and where Europe is seen as having
lost control of its borders.”
With less
than a year to go until EU voters elect a new Parliament, this heady mix —
blending a migration crisis with resurgent fears of political Islam — is making
establishment parties sweat.
Riding the wave
In the
weeks leading up to last week’s election in the Netherlands, Wilders did not
campaign on an anti-Islam platform, nor did he stir up anger against the
pro-Palestinian protests in European cities, instead focusing on
bread-and-butter issues such as housing for the Dutch.
For voters
who may be concerned about housing and a purported clash of civilizations, he
emerged as the obvious choice.
“The crisis
in the Near East … played a decisive and additional role,” wrote Christophe de
Voogd, a specialist in Dutch politics with the Sciences Po institute. Wilders’
party, “the PVV, is historically very pro-Israeli … And the pro-Hamas and
clearly antisemitic protests upset the silent majority that has always had a
sympathy for Israel,” he added in the French Daily Le Figaro.
According
to Milan Nič, a researcher with the German Council on Foreign Relations, the
protests played a part in Wilders’ victory but his attention was actually
focused elsewhere. Far-right movements are becoming “clever with strategy,” Nič
said. “If they are confident that they will not lose their core vote, they move
to the center,” to gain “a few extra percentage points.”
After Wilders, the most obvious example of a
politician who is hoping to reap the benefits of their political brand is Le
Pen.
Having
spent many years warning about “mass migration” and “fundamentalist Islam,” she
no longer needs to beat those rhetorical drums very hard to let voters know how
she feels — on the contrary. “We no longer need to be radical to be heard. It’s
a bit like Wilders, he hasn’t staged any big stunts in the last weeks of his
campaign,” said a Le Pen adviser. “The more you approach power, the more you
have to be realistic, pragmatic,” he said.
Case in
point: When a 16-year-old boy was murdered in an attack involving French youths
from immigrant backgrounds at a village fête in the village of Crépol in
southern France, Le Pen slammed “armed militias that are carrying out razzias”
reaching deliberately for an Arabic word to describe what happened. But she did
not go as far as her niece Marion Maréchal who called the attack “anti-white
racism” sowing the seeds of “civil war,” and the far-right Reconquête leader
Éric Zemmour who described it as “everyday jihad.”
Le Pen —
who won 41 percent of the national vote in her 2022 faceoff with President
Emmanuel Macron — is cleaning up in the polls. According to an Ifop poll
published on October 30, the former lawyer is on course to reach the runoff
round of the next presidential election, surpassing her hypothetical
center-right rival, ex-prime minister Édouard Philippe, by 6 percentage points.
Mainstream
parties say they are not duped by the far right’s tactics. For Macron’s troops,
Le Pen’s decision to join a march against antisemitism was not a sign of
normalization but a ploy to blow up the fragile multicultural balance of a
country that is home to Europe’s largest Muslim and Jewish populations. The far
right is trying to create “a civilizational issue” around the fight against
discrimination, said a Renew MEP, who was granted anonymity to discuss a
sensitive issue.
“If they
succeed, we have a real problem, we are headed towards a civil war,” he added.
The threat
of terrorism, and its effect on voters, is also putting mainstream parties on
edge. On Wednesday, Germany’s domestic intelligence agency warned that the war
between Hamas and Israel has fueled an increased risk of attacks.
Perfect storm for the far right
For several
analysts, immigration, the Hamas-Israel war, the fatigue with mainstream
parties, and insecurity over the war in Ukraine are turning into an
unprecedented alignment of stars for Europe’s far-right parties as many of them
attempt to capture the center ground.
In
Portugal, the far-right party Chega, established barely four years ago, has
seen its support grow to 13.5 percent. In Italy, Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni
may not have succeeded in bringing down the absolute numbers of irregular
migrants reaching the shores of her country. But her established anti-migration
views have helped to keep her popularity scores at an enviable level.
In Germany,
the most egregious public examples of anti-Muslim and anti-migrant rhetoric
date back to 2016 and 2017, when the Alternative for Germany party adopted an
explicitly anti-Islam manifesto. But the effort to normalize the party hasn’t
stopped its rise — to the contrary. The AfD is now Germany’s second-biggest
party, way ahead of Chancellor Olaf Scholz’s Social Democrats and trailing the
conservative CDU.
Pro-Europe,
centrist parties have so far failed to nail the right response, either avoiding
difficult questions or trying to mimic the far right. In the Netherlands, the
center-right VVD party campaigned hard on promises to reduce immigration, and
saw its share of the vote shrink.
“If you run
on issues of migration, how can you beat Wilders? … And all the other far-right
parties were copy-cats, so he could suck the support out of them,” said Nič of
the German Council on Foreign Relations.
In France,
the government was slow to react to the Crépol attack, despite the sense of
outrage locally and the rolling coverage on live news channels, and dispatched
a government spokesperson to the scene nine days after the events took place.
“It’s the
perfect period to make a breakthrough, the populist movements are rising in
other countries, and in the U.S. with Donald Trump … there’s the sense that
something is happening,” said Nič.
Sarah
Paillou and Barbara Moens contributed reporting.
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