quarta-feira, 1 de abril de 2020

Will the coronavirus kill the oil industry and help save the climate?



Aerial view of the Noor 3 solar power station which is nearing completion, near Ouarzazate, southern Morocco in 2017.

Will the coronavirus kill the oil industry and help save the climate?
Oil
Analysts say the coronavirus and a savage price war means the oil and gas sector will never be the same again

Damian Carrington, Jillian Ambrose and Matthew Taylor
Wed 1 Apr 2020 07.00 BSTLast modified on Wed 1 Apr 2020 13.58 BST

The plunging demand for oil wrought by the coronavirus pandemic combined with a savage price war has left the fossil fuel industry broken and in survival mode, according to analysts. It faces the gravest challenge in its 100-year history, they say, one that will permanently alter the industry. With some calling the scene a “hellscape”, the least lurid description is “unprecedented”.

A key question is whether this will permanently alter the course of the climate crisis. Many experts think it might well do so, pulling forward the date at which demand for oil and gas peaks, never to recover, and allowing the atmosphere to gradually heal.

The boldest say peak fossil fuel demand may have been dragged into the here and now, and that 2019 will go down in history as the peak year for carbon emissions. But some take an opposing view: the fossil fuel industry will bounce back as it always has, and bargain basement oil prices will slow the much-needed transition to green energy.


Who is right depends on a heady mix of geopolitics, profit, investor sentiment, government bailouts and net zero emissions targets, campaigner pressures and, not least, consumer behaviour – is virtual working, for instance, the new normal?

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What is beyond doubt is the carnage in the sector. The lowest oil prices for almost two decades, with worse potentially on the way. Some oil major stock market valuations halved since January. At least two-thirds of annual investment – $130bn – dumped and tens of thousands of job losses. In a few markets prices have gone negative – sellers will pay you to take the oil, as global storage capacity fills.

“The price war and Covid-19 have really thrown the oil and gas sector into turmoil, and now we have companies really in survival mode,” said Valentina Kretzschmar, director of corporate research at analysts Wood Mackenzie.

Oil wells responsible for almost 1m barrels a day may have already been shut down because the price of oil is now lower than the cost of shipping it, according to US banking giant Goldman Sachs, with the number of wells growing “by the hour”. This is likely to “permanently alter the energy industry and its geopolitics” and “shift the debate around climate change”, said Jeffrey Currie, head of commodities at the bank.

Demand for oil has plummeted as the coronavirus locks down people in their homes and airplanes on runways. “The virus will bring forward peak demand for fossil fuels,” said Kingsmill Bond, at analysts Carbon Tracker. This latest cyclical oil shock is hitting an industry already heading towards a structural peak created by nations committing to net zero future emissions, he said.

“As for the impact of the virus on the timing [of peak demand], it depends of course on the severity,” he said. In 2018, Carbon Tracker estimated peak demand would come in 2023 but Bond said it was possible that the crisis has advanced this by three years. “That means that peak emissions was almost certainly 2019, and perhaps peak fossil fuels as well,” he said. “It will be touch and go if there can be another mini-peak in 2022, before the inexorable decline begins.”

While the oil companies themselves have long argued peak demand is too far off to put a number on, most observers thought it would happen this decade. Mark Lewis, head of climate change investment research at BNP Paribas, agreed the crises could bring it closer.

“When the dust settles, the peak demand narrative will be there stronger than ever,” he said. “This is particularly true if long-haul aviation fails to recover. This has been a very strong source of oil demand growth in recent years but the longer we are at home – remote working, using video conferencing – the more people will wonder: do we really need to get on a plane?”

End of an era?

The oil price plunge has also demolished the lucrative returns on exploration projects to which investors have become accustomed. This threatens what Lewis calls the “golden dividend era” of the last two decades, which has made oil stocks mainstays of portfolios.

Wood Mackenzie last week analysed the impact of an oil price of $35 on companies’ previous investment plans for 2020. “It’s a very, very ugly picture,” said Kretzschmar. “At $35 per barrel, 75% of projects don’t even cover the cost of capital.”

Most strikingly, the fat rates of return projected for the oil and gas projects have slumped from about 20% down to 6%, she said. “They’re very much in line now with what you can get from solar and wind projects.”

“The oil and gas sector is already a very much unloved sector by investors and in this kind of oil price environment, it becomes low return, high risk and high carbon,” Kretzschmar said. “It is not a very attractive proposition.” With oil prices predicted by some to collapse even further, Kretzschmar is blunt: “At $20 [the industry] will be decimated.”

The oil industry was already under pressure from investors concerned about the climate crisis and increasing regulation from governments to cut emissions. Colin Melvin, at Arkadiko Partners, a consultancy advising some of the world’s biggest investment management and pension funds, said that after the crisis he expects investment to flow increasingly towards companies perceived to offer wider social benefits.

“The purpose of the investment of capital in business is to create wellbeing, to create wealth in the true sense, and I think that is going to become more and more relevant to investors,” he said.

Adam Matthews, director of ethics and engagement at the Church of England pensions board, said the implications for the oil and gas sector could be significant. “[Demand reduction] could be the catalyst for rapid change and I think investors are going to look at long term systemic challenges very closely and want to see much greater resilience.”

As well as climate concerns, the wild instability of the oil markets provoked by the crises may also deter investors, according to analysis from the University of Oxford’s Institute for Energy Studies: “This is a market that is being tested to its limits.”

However, not all experts think the oil industry’s loss is necessarily a gain for green energy and the climate. “If anything it may hold up the share of oil for longer, because it’s cheaper. It could be bad news from a climate point of view,” said Dieter Helm, professor of energy policy at the University of Oxford.

He said securing a green economic recovery from the coronavirus crisis will require deliberate policy measures from governments: “This is where the carbon tax comes in. Now is the moment.”

‘Historic opportunity’
Governments are deploying stupendous sums to stimulate the coronavirus-wracked global economy - $5 trillion from the G20 nations alone - but how it is disbursed remains uncertain. European Union leaders have promised to make their emergency measures align with their Green Deal programme and Fatih Birol, executive director at the International Energy Agency, has said there is an “historic opportunity” to pour investment into energy technologies that cut greenhouse gas emissions.

But the $2tn US coronavirus relief package is doling out $60bn to struggling airlines and offering low-interest loans that are available to fossil fuel companies, without requiring any action to stem the climate emergency. The Canadian government has said it will give loans to its oil companies, who say they are on “life support”.

After the 2008 global financial crisis, there were high hopes that the trillions of dollars delivered at that time would green the economy, but fossil fuels and their emissions powered on, ever upwards. Bond said: “The big difference to 2008 is that the cost of renewables is now below that of fossil fuels. There is no point trying to sustain the unsustainable high-cost fossil assets in any event. It would be deeply ironic for [neoliberal] advocates of Ayn Rand to ask for a government bailout.”

Adrienne Buller, an economist at the Common Wealth thinktank, said governments in countries like the UK, US and Canada should now consider nationalising major oil corporations.

“Fossil fuel companies won’t be allowed to fail en masse.

Any bailout should at a bare minimum come with equivalent public stakes in the companies, and strong conditions for environmental and climate protections and a transition away from fossil fuel production.

“However, given the intent of acquiring this stake should be to wind down production as rapidly as feasible while ensuring a just transition for workers and security of energy supply, nationalisation may be more appropriate and pragmatic.”

The global industry trade body, the International Association of Oil and Gas Producers, insists its members have a vital role after the pandemic. “Oil and gas play a significant role in the global energy mix and will do so in the future,” said a spokesman. “It is too early to predict what the midterm impact will be. But the oil and gas industry has a history of successfully responding to difficult situations and we anticipate that it will adapt as it has before.”

“Furthermore, the industry has been a key engine of prosperity and a driver of innovation for many decades,” he said. “It has the experience, skills, knowledge and resources needed to realise a low-emissions energy future - a transition that would be more difficult and more expensive without it.”

‘Saudi Arabia is desparate to cash out’
Adding fuel to the fire of the pandemic is the price war being waged by Saudi Arabia and Russia, who increased production just as the pandemic slashed demand, sending prices towards the floor. The moves are seen as an attempt to grab market share by killing the higher cost producers behind the US shale boom.

Prof Bernard Haykel, at Princeton University, US, said it also reflects a more fundamental strategic shift led by Saudi Arabia’s crown prince, Mohammed bin Salman: “With a global clean-energy transition inevitable, he is desperate to cash out while the Kingdom still can.”

The lasting impact of the price war depends on how long Saudi Arabia and Russia can keep pumping cheap oil. While their production costs are very low, they depend on high revenues to balance their national budgets.

Michael Liebreich, at Bloomberg New Energy Finance, said the fiscal break-even for Saudi Arabia is around $80 per barrel, meaning its foreign exchange reserves might sustain rock-bottom oil prices for only two or three years. “Russia, with a $40 a barrel fiscal break-even and much more diversified economy, can survive low oil prices for a decade,” he said.

Whatever happens, the industry will never be the same again after the double whammy of the pandemic and price war. “The companies that emerge from the crisis will not be the ones that went into it,” said Carbon Tracker’s Bond. “We will see write-downs, restructuring and radical change.”

Experts, including Currie at Goldman Sachs, say the climate change debate will almost certainly take a difference course after the crisis. But exactly what that looks like remains to be seen. “The question is how long this is all going to last, and no one really knows,” said Kretzschmar.

Oil Refineries Face Shutdowns as Demand Collapses





OIL
Oil Refineries Face Shutdowns as Demand Collapses

Mar. 31, 2020 09:51AM
By Nick Cunningham

A growing number of refineries around the world are either curtailing operations or shutting down entirely as the oil market collapses.

Oil prices have fallen precipitously to their lowest levels in nearly two decades. Typically, falling oil prices are a good thing for refiners because they buy crude oil on the cheap and process it into gasoline, jet fuel, and diesel, selling those products at higher prices. The end consumer also tends to consume more when fuel is less expensive. As a result, the profit margin for refiners tends to widen when crude oil becomes oversupplied.

But the world is in the midst of dual supply and demand shock — too much drilling has produced a substantial surplus, and the global coronavirus pandemic has led to a historic drop in consumption. Oil demand could fall by as much as 20 percent, according to the International Energy Agency, by far the largest decline in consumption ever recorded.

Consumption of jet fuel around the world has plunged by 75 percent. Average retail gasoline prices in the U.S. are dropping below $2 per gallon nationwide and have already fallen below $1 per gallon in some places. They will fall further still.

In fact, margins even fell into negative territory, meaning that the average refiner was losing money on every gallon of gasoline produced. Refiners now find themselves facing a painful financial squeeze.

"We're seeing gasoline cracks at negative margins. We're seeing jet cracks even worse," Brian Mandell, an executive with Phillips 66, said on a March 24 phone call with investors. "Cracks" refer to the difference between the cost of buying crude oil and selling the refined product, and it stands in as a reference point for a refiner's profit margin.

One of the main strategies that refiners use when a particular product is oversupplied is to alter their processing mix. Facing a glut of gasoline, refiners could switch their operations away from gasoline to a focus on diesel, where margins have not declined by nearly as much. "With strong price signals pushing refiners towards diesel production, they would have made immediate adjustments to tweak their refined product yields," RBN Energy, a consultancy, wrote in a report.

However, some refiners already switched over to diesel following tighter international sulfur regulations on maritime fuels that took effect at the start of this year, which placed a premium on low-sulfur diesel. Having already tapped that strategy, the ability to adjust away from gasoline production is "likely limited," RBN concluded.

Collapsing Demand Leads to Refinery Closures
There are around 3 billion people on some form of a lockdown around the world. In those circumstances, refiners have seen buyers vanish overnight.

"We're seeing even our Latin American customers asking us if they can back out of cargoes now, so we see that the demand destruction is starting to move toward Latin America," Brian Mandell, the Phillips 66 executive, told investors.

With no buyers, gasoline is set to pile up in storage. Refiners are looking at no other choice but to curtail or shut down operations.


Valero Energy, for instance, recently announced that it would limit output at six of its 12 U.S. refineries. ExxonMobil announced significant cuts to its refineries in Texas and Louisiana, citing the lack of sufficient storage capacity. Notably, Exxon said it would shut down its gasoline unit at its Baytown, Texas, complex, the company's largest such unit in the United States.

"The refiners are struggling mightily, due to the steep drop in demand," John Kilduff, a partner at Again Capital LLC, told Bloomberg. "The poor refining margins will push companies to reduce operating rates further."

The danger for some refineries is that they cannot simply throttle back and operate at really low levels. "In our experience, crude throughput in the 60 percent to 70 percent range is approaching the minimum rates that a refinery can operate without completely shutting down units," RBN said.

According to Phillips 66, even that threshold might be optimistic. "I don't think a good rule of thumb would be down in the 60 percent range for refiners. Most refineries can't turn down that far," Robert Herman, an executive with Phillips 66, said on an investor call. With refiners already lowering processing, "we're nearing kind of minimum crude rates in many of our refineries today," he added.

In other words, facing a mounting glut and no ability to lower output further, some refineries may simply need to shut down entirely.

The problem is a global one. Italy's API became the first European refiner to shutter a facility. On March 30, North Atlantic Refining Ltd. announced the first refinery to shut down in North America.

In one particularly unusual move, India's Reliance Industries said it would simply sell the crude oil that it had in transit at sea, rather than allowing the cargo to arrive at its refineries. Reliance, which operates the world's largest refining complex, said it would instead cut processing rates. "As of now, the plan is to cut refining throughput in April because demand is not there," a source told Reuters.

In the U.S., refineries unable to switch away from gasoline are most at risk, as are those in the Midwest and the Rockies, where access to pipelines and storage capacity is a fraction of that on the Gulf Coast, according to RBN.

"It is not difficult to see run cuts of 10 mmb/d (million barrels per day) soon, perhaps peaking at 15-20 mmb/d at the height of the pandemic. This is likely to force some refineries to close down, while others will reduce rates severely," research firm FGE said in a report on March 30.

Running out of Storage, Oil Prices to Crash Further
The situation could unravel rather quickly. Consumers aren't consuming and refiners are lowering their operations. Ultimately, that means that oil drillers will have no place to sell their oil.

A number of pipeline companies have already asked oil drillers to cut back on their production because the pipeline system was becoming overwhelmed.

The estimated 20-million-barrel-per-day surplus will lead to storage filling up in the next two to three months. To avoid such an outcome, analysts widely see crude prices crashing even further.

"Demand for gasoline (no driving) and jet fuel (no flying) has now crashed and inventories for these products are already brimming. Refineries in many places are now losing money for every barrel they process, or they have no place to store their output of oil products," Bjarne Schieldrop, chief commodities analyst at SEB, a Swedish corporate bank, said in a statement. "For land-based or land-locked oil producers, this means only one thing: the local oil price or well-head price they receive very quickly goes to zero or even negative."

The Coronavirus Pandemic's Impact On Pollution And Climate Change | NBC ...

Brazil’s Bolsonaro shuns social distancing

Bolsonaro ignored by state governors amid anger at handling of Covid-19 crisis



Bolsonaro ignored by state governors amid anger at handling of Covid-19 crisis

Even former allies are refusing to obey the Brazilian president’s calls for people to go back to work

Dom Phillips in Rio de Janeiro
Wed 1 Apr 2020 11.00 BSTLast modified on Wed 1 Apr 2020 11.01 BST

Brazil’s president Jair Bolsonaro is facing a growing backlash over his handling of the coronavirus crisis, with the state governors responsible for more than 200 million of the country’s 210 million people refusing to follow his commands over the pandemic.

Bolsonaro has repeatedly played down the dangers of Covid-19 and last week urged Brazilians to get back to work – in defiance of advice from the World Health Organization and his own health ministry.

But his exhortations have been largely ignored by politicians and the general public.

Just three of Brazil’s 27 states, home to 5.7 million people, have relaxed social isolation measures as coronavirus cases continue to rise – Brazil has 5,717 confirmed cases and 201 deaths. A study showed almost 60% of Brazilians are staying at home.

João Doria, the governor of Brazil’s most populous and economically important state, São Paulo, has maintained a strict quarantine and this week openly defied Bolsonaro, telling its 44 million citizens: “Do not follow the guidance of the prseident.”

Wilson Witzel, Rio de Janeiro state’s rightwing governor, has also refused to back away from strict social isolation measures.

“So far I’ve been asking, now I am giving an order: don’t leave your home,” Witzel told his state’s 17 million residents on Monday as he extended Rio’s shut down for another fortnight.

Witzel, a one-time Bolsonaro ally, went on to suggest the president’s behaviour could land him a trial at the International Criminal Court in the Hague.

Only the rightwing governors of the Amazon states of Rondônia and Roraima, both Bolsonaro allies, have followed the president’s lead by relaxing restrictions on shops and businesses. In Roraima’s capital Boa Vista and Rondônia’s capital Porto Velho many – but not all - shops are open and there are people on the streets.

Ciro Gomes, a prominent leftwing politician from north-eastern Brazil, told the Guardian that in order to save thousands of lives, the country now needed – and was starting to witness – “an extensive campaign of civil disobedience initiated by governors, mayors, the overwhelming majority of religious leaders and the media”.

Gomes admitted the loss of many lives was now inevitable – but such a mutiny against Bolsonaro could help lessen the scale of the tragedy and represented “an act of protection for the Brazilian people”.

Bolsonaro has described coronavirus as a “little flu” and claimed his athletic background would protect him from it. “You have to face it like a soldier on the battlefield,” he told Rede TV on Monday. The previous day he told reporters: “We’ll all die one day.”

The president has argued the damage caused by shutting down Brazil’s economy will be worse than that caused by the virus, and has also suggested state governors were inflating the numbers of coronavirus victims to justify restrictive lockdown measures.

But as well as facing a rebellion from regional chiefs, Bolsonaro now also appears increasingly isolated from his own cabinet.

 At a press conference with other ministers on Monday, Bolsonaro’s health minister Luiz Mandetta called on people to follow state governments and maintain the “the maximum degree of social isolation” – a day after the president mingled with people on the streets of Brasília and said he was considering a decree to let them go back to work.

On Tuesday the Folha de São Paulo newspaper reported that justice minister Sérgio Moro, finance minister Paulo Guedes, Mandetta and military officers in the government had formed a block opposing the president’s stance.

“Bolsonaro has put himself into self-isolation,” said José Álvaro Moisés, a professor of political science at the University of São Paulo.

Trump to roll back Obama-era clean car rules in huge blow to climate fight



Trump to roll back Obama-era clean car rules in huge blow to climate fight

Announcement will allow vehicles to emit 1bn more tons of CO2
Experts say move will lead to more life-threatening air pollution

Emily Holden in Washington
Tue 31 Mar 2020 15.00 BSTLast modified on Tue 31 Mar 2020 17.24 BST

The Trump administration is rolling back the US government’s strongest attempt to combat the climate crisis, weakening rules which compel auto companies to produce more fuel-efficient vehicles. Critics say the move will lead to more life-threatening air pollution and force Americans to spend more on gasoline.

The changes to Obama-era regulations will allow vehicles to emit about a billion more tons of heat-trapping carbon dioxide – equivalent to roughly a fifth of annual US emissions.

The rollback is one of dozens Trump officials have ushered to completion, seeking to bolster the fossil fuel industry amid intense opposition from Democratic-led states and pushback from world leaders.

Experts say the world is far off track in dealing with the climate emergency, following a year of record-breaking heat, rising hunger, displacement and loss of life due to extreme temperatures and weather disasters.

Donald Trump is expected to laud the new rule as a boost to the US economy, which has been hit by the coronavirus pandemic. His administration says weakening the standards will make cars about $1,000 cheaper, leading Americans to buy new and safer models more frequently and resulting in fewer crash fatalities.

 Coronavirus preys on people with respiratory problems, and this dirty air rule will make more Americans vulnerable
Miles Keogh, NACAA

The Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) chief, Andrew Wheeler, said in a statement: “Now, more than ever, this country needs a sensible national program that strikes the right regulatory balance for the environment, the auto industry, the economy, safety, and American families.

“[This rule] does all of those things by improving fuel economy, continuing to reduce air pollution, and making new vehicles more affordable for all Americans.”

Researchers dispute such logic.

Miles Keogh, executive director of the National Association of Clean Air Agencies, an organization of state and local air regulators, called the timing of the rule change “appalling”.

He said: “We know coronavirus preys on people with respiratory problems, and this dirty air rule will make more Americans vulnerable.”

The Obama administration required auto companies to make vehicles 4.7% more efficient each year. The Trump administration initially wanted to freeze any progress on fuel efficiency past 2020. But its final rule, written by the EPA and the Department of Transportation, sets an improvement rate of 1.5% per year – or an industry average of 40.4 miles per gallon by 2026.

That’s far less than the 2.4% per year by which the industry has said it will increase standards without any regulation.

The rollback has drawn opposition from nearly half of states and a significant portion of the auto industry. Twenty-three states and the District of Columbia, representing about half of US residents, sued over the changes. They said weakening the standards would kill about 2,000 more people and cause 50,000 more cases of respiratory illnesses, while making the climate crisis worse.

California has long instituted more stringent auto standards than the federal government, but the Trump administration has revoked the state’s authority to do so. The state last year struck a deal with four companies – Ford, Honda, Volkswagen and BMW of North America – to exceed what Trump is asking for and require cars, trucks and SUVs to get nearly 50 miles per gallon on average by 2026.

Democratic-run states and environmental advocates are expected to challenge the new regulation. They are already fighting the Trump administration over its weakening of dozens of other environment and public health protections.

Ann Carlson, a professor at the University of California in Los Angeles, said the legal fight will be “one of the hardest fought, in part because it’s the most significant”.

Carlson believes the rollback is meant to maintain demand for gasoline, which is expected to fall as vehicles become more efficient and transition to electricity.

“You can make cars with zero emissions now, zero greenhouse gases that don’t run on petroleum, any more,” Carlson said. “So I think the big beneficiaries are absolutely the oil companies.”

The rule change comes as many communities around the US are seeing a decline in air quality, a result of climate change, wildfires, higher temperatures, regulatory rollbacks and poor enforcement of regulations, said Paul Billings, senior vice-president of advocacy for the American Lung Association.

“This will mean there will be more pollution associated with oil extraction, transport, refining – sort of all the way from the well to the pump,” Billings said. “This will mean high levels of smog, more coughing, wheezing, shortness of breath, asthma attacks, COPD (chronic obstructive pulmonary disease) exacerbations and also more particulate pollution.”

The effects will be worse on communities near oil processing facilities and highways, often people of color and poorer Americans.

Dutch finance minister acknowledges lack of empathy on corona bonds / O tempo corre contra ou a favor dos “coronabonds”?


CORONAVÍRUS
O tempo corre contra ou a favor dos “coronabonds”?

A norte mantém-se a recusa de partilhar riscos que não são seus e a sul teme-se a repetição de ajudas semelhantes às dadas pela troika. Ao mesmo tempo que a crise aperta, a zona euro mostra dificuldades em caminhar para um consenso

Sérgio Aníbal
Sérgio Aníbal 1 de Abril de 2020, 6:08

Alguns dizem que a crise actual é tão séria que é apenas uma questão de tempo até que a zona euro se decida finalmente a avançar para uma verdadeira mutualização de dívida. Outros respondem que, pelo contrário, não é possível dar um passo tão grande e tão complexo como o lançamento de “eurobonds” a tempo de responder à crise trazida pelo novo coronavírus. A Europa, mais uma vez, hesita sobre o que fazer perante a crise e os quinze dias dados ao Eurogrupo liderado por Mário Centeno para encontrar uma solução de consenso parecem, em simultâneo, serem pouco e demasiado tempo.

Em confronto estão duas visões diferentes sobre como é que os Estados devem obter o financiamento de que precisam para tomar as medidas que limitem a dimensão da crise económica já em curso na zona euro.

De um lado, entre os países situados mais a sul, defende-se, perante um choque externo comum, que dificilmente poderia ter sido antecipado por alguém, que os fundos usados pelos Estados deveriam ser obtido de forma conjunta, partilhando os encargos e os riscos, como forma de evitar que alguns países em situação mais frágil fiquem especialmente sobrecarregados e comecem a ser pressionados pelos mercados.

Do outro lado, tendencialmente mais a norte, a ideia é a de que, embora com algumas verbas a virem de um fundo comum, cada país deve assumir, enquanto puder, os custos do seu próprio financiamento, não fazendo os parceiros assumirem riscos que não são seus.

Destas duas visões resultaram dois tipos de propostas, que, embora com algumas semelhanças, estão ainda longe de conseguir gerar o consenso entre todos os países da zona euro.

Nove países, entre os quais a França, Itália, Espanha e Portugal defendem o lançamento dos “coronabonds”, o nome que é dado no contexto da actual crise aos já muitas vezes sugeridos no passado “eurobonds”, títulos obrigacionistas emitidos em conjunto pelos 19 países da zona euro.

Actualmente, cada um dos Estados emite a sua própria dívida, a taxas de juros diferentes, ficando responsável pelo pagamento do capital e dos juros. No caso de uma emissão conjunta, com uma mutualização da dívida, todos os países garantiriam financiamento à mesma taxa de juro e todos partilhariam o risco de ter de responder em caso de um dos países ser incapaz de fazer face aos seus compromissos.

Em princípio, países como a Itália e Portugal beneficiariam de taxas de juro mais baixas do que as que se praticam actualmente. Em contrapartida, países como a Alemanha ou a Holanda, actualmente com taxas de juro negativas a 10 anos, poderiam ver os seus custos agravarem-se ligeiramente.

Vários modelos possíveis
Há vários tipos de “coronabonds” que podem ser pensados. Guntram Wolff, director do think tank europeu Bruegel, numa entrevista recente ao PÚBLICO, sugeria uma emissão de pelo menos um bilião de euros, cujo capital nunca fosse pago, renovando-se a dívida sempre, e em que cada país receberia os fundos e pagaria os juros de acordo com a sua participação no capital do BCE. E garantia que é apenas uma questão de tempo (e de agravamento da crise) até que a zona euro faça alguma coisa do género.

Carlos Costa, governador do Banco de Portugal, sugeria, por seu lado, que a emissão, de muito longo prazo, fosse sendo amortizada, recorrendo a uma parcela do orçamento europeu, isto é, os países iam pagando a dívida através das suas contribuições europeias.

Os opositores
Este tipo de sugestões de mutualização de dívida é no entanto recebida com uma oposição consistente de quatro países em particular: Alemanha, Holanda, Áustria e Finlândia.

Para os responsáveis políticos destes países, a mutualização de dívida é uma forma de caminhar para uma união monetária como transferências permanente e volumosas de rendimento dos países mais ricos e mais disciplinados orçamentalmente para os mais pobres e menos disciplinados.

Na actual crise, causada por um factor externo que afectou todos ao mesmo tempo, dizem-se mais dispostos a conceder apoios, mas a linha vermelha que traçaram até agora está mesmo nos “coronabonds”.

Um dos últimos argumentos apresentados é o de que não há tempo para pôr em prática uma medida tão complexa.

Klaus Regling, o alemão que lidera o Mecanismo Europeu de Estabilidade (MEE), defendeu esta terça-feira em entrevista ao Financial Times que seriam precisos dois ou três anos para que a zona euro pudesse concluir todas as alterações legislativas necessárias para pôr uma nova instituição europeia a emitir “coronabonds” - demasiado tempo para que pudesse ser útil no combate à actual crise.

Do norte, as propostas de apoio e solidariedade que surgem são, numa primeira linha, a utilização flexível dos fundos estruturais europeus, a utilização dos empréstimos do Banco Europeu de Investimento e, em última análise, o recurso, pelos países em dificuldades, aos mecanismos de emergência criados durante a anterior crise e utilizados por países como a Grécia e Portugal.

Perante a evidência de que o orçamento europeu e o BEI nunca terão uma dimensão sequer próxima daquilo que é exigido pela crise, manifestaram abertura para um outro tipo de solução: a utilização das linhas de crédito cautelares já existentes no MEE, podendo cada país aceder, a taxas de juro reduzidas, a um financiamento equivalente a 2% do seu PIB (4000 milhões de euros no caso de Portugal).

Na última reunião do Eurogrupo, antes da cimeira de líderes, houve, de acordo com Mário Centeno, um acordo “amplo” em relação a esta proposta, que depois acabou por ser recusada na cimeira de líderes, com uma oposição particularmente forte da Itália.

Regresso ao passado
É uma versão light de mutualização de dívida, em que, apesar de o valor total ser relativamente baixo, os Estados podem realmente beneficiar de taxas de juro mais baixas. No entanto tem, particularmente na Itália e nos países com a experiência da troika, um problema: tem demasiadas semelhanças com os programas de resgate do passado.

Em primeiro lugar porque em vez de todos receberem o dinheiro, cada país tem de escolher recebê-lo ficando sujeito a um estigma negativo nos mercados.

Depois porque, nas linhas de crédito cautelares do MEE está prevista a imposição de condições aos países. Na entrevista ao Financial Times, Klaus Regling garantiu que, dadas as circunstâncias, as condições exigidas serão mínimas. “Deve estar presente um compromisso de respeitar os mecanismos de vigilância europeus, não será mais do que isso”, afirmou.

Esta garantia não convence no entanto a Itália que parece ter desenhado a sua linha vermelha claramente atrás desta proposta.

A Mário Centeno, presidente do Eurogrupo, cabe-lhe a difícil tarefa de tentar encontrar uma forma de gerar um consenso, a única maneira de se poder caminhar para algum tipo de decisão. Esta terça-feira, numa carta enviada a todos os ministros das Finanças da zona euro, o ministro português, num primeiro passo para a preparação da reunião agendada para a próxima terça-feira, dia 7 de Abril, sinalizou a intenção de ir mais longe na discussão de modelos de financiamento comuns entre os Estados-membros, comprometendo-se desde já a avançar com novas propostas “concretas, bem justificadas e efectivas” e traçando como objectivo que o “inevitável” aumento da dívida pública em todos os países “não se torne uma fonte de fragmentação”

Também esta terça-feira, Charles Michel, Ursula von der Leyen e Christine Lagarde, presidentes respectivamente, do Conselho Europeu, Comissão Europeia e Banco Central Europeu, defenderam que “chegou a altura de pensar fora da caixa”. “Qualquer opção que seja compatível com o Tratado da União Europeia deve ser considerada”, disseram.

Já dos países que parecem estar mais longe de uma posição de consenso, tanto surgem razões para optimismo como para pessimismo. Em Itália, o ambiente em relação ao projecto do euro voltou a deteriorar-se, existindo o receio de que as forças políticas antieuropeístas voltem a conquistar terreno, o que força o actual governo a não se mostrar disponível para grandes cedências.

Na Holanda, depois da reacção muito negativa com que foram recebidas nos países do sul – incluindo Portugal - as declarações do ministro das Finanças, assistiu-se a um debate interno que promete suavizar a posição do país em Bruxelas.

Vários responsáveis políticos integrantes da actual coligação governamental defenderam uma maior abertura da Holanda a mecanismos extraordinários de apoio entre os diversos países europeus. E o governador do banco central, uma figura respeitada a nível económico, assumiu a posição, que é quase generalizada entre os bancos centrais da zona euro, de que os Estados devem procurar formas, incluindo a mutualização de dívida, para poderem responder à crise, não deixando apenas para o BCE o encargo de evitar subidas descontroladas das taxas de juro em países como a Itália.

O próprio ministro das Finanças holandês reconheceu que as suas declarações sobre a falta de capacidade orçamental de Espanha e Itália para fazerem frente à pandemia do novo coronavírus foram “mal recebidas” e revelaram “pouca compaixão”. Ainda assim, reafirmou a sua oposição a qualquer ideia mais ambiciosa de mutualização de dívida. “Os ‘coronabonds’ ou ‘eurobonds’, seja qual for o nome, não são uma solução prudente. É uma solução para um problema que não existe neste momento”, disse.

Dutch finance minister acknowledges lack of empathy on corona bonds

‘If you’re getting as much flak as we are, you obviously haven’t done it right,’ says Wopke Hoekstra.

By ELINE SCHAART 3/31/20, 5:27 PM CET Updated 3/31/20, 5:49 PM CET

Dutch Finance Minister Wopke Hoekstra said Tuesday that he should have communicated better and shown more empathy during a meeting with his European colleagues about financial tools to tackle the coronavirus crisis.

"Last week, we — and myself included — should have made it more clear that we want to help. We didn't do that empathically enough. We phrased it in such a way that it led to resistance," he told RTL Z, adding that "if you're getting as much flak as we are, you obviously haven't done it right."

Finance ministers clashed last week over whether the European Union should issue so-called corona bonds — a proposed joint debt instrument which all member countries would guarantee. Nine countries, including France, Spain, Italy and Portugal, backed the idea while Germany and the Netherlands rejected it.

That position — and Hoekstra's reported call for the EU to probe why some countries don't have the financial buffers to cope better with the economic shock — infuriated Southern European countries such as Italy, Spain and Portugal.

"Our position on the corona bonds has stuck, but the position of solidarity hasn't. I didn't deliver my message empathically enough. But we want to look in a supportive way at what is reasonable and sensible," Hoekstra said Tuesday.

Politicians and economists in the Netherlands accused Prime Minster Mark Rutte's government of not showing enough solidarity with the southern countries, which have been hardest hit by the coronavirus outbreak.

“The Netherlands got rich through the EU. Now that jobs and incomes are at stake throughout Europe because of the corona crisis, we cannot let our friends suffocate,” Rob Jetten, head of the D66 parliamentary group, tweeted on Friday. “Only together can we survive.”

On Tuesday, Jetten said on Twitter in response to Hoekstra's comments: "The Netherlands [is] luckily 'back on track.' Close the chapter. Now turning today's good words into deeds of European solidarity."

Sophie in 't Veld, a D66 member of the European Parliament, told POLITICO the government's "attitude and tone were so inappropriate and so blunt, and I do not think you need to be a northerner or southerner to feel that."

Writing in POLITICO, Dutch Labor Party leader Lodewijk Asscher said "one country is spoiling efforts to tackle the crisis together: the Netherlands."

On Tuesday, a group of almost 60 Dutch economists criticized the government for being too strict on southern countries.

"The Dutch position on the joint financing of a European approach to the corona crisis has caused an unprecedented amount of incomprehension and frustration in recent weeks. We, as Dutch economists, also find the Dutch position unjustifiable. We call on the Dutch government to change course now and to support a European approach," they wrote in de Volkskrant.