segunda-feira, 2 de março de 2020

Juiz Orlando Nascimento demite-se da presidência da Relação de Lisboa


EDITORIAL
Haja esperança: Orlando Nascimento demitiu-se
Orlando Nascimento demitiu-se, para nosso alívio e para bem da Justiça. Num país habituado a enterrar a cabeça na areia para contornar os problemas, o gesto deve ser assinalado.

MANUEL CARVALHO
2 de Março de 2020, 18:22

Aconteceu o que tinha de acontecer: o presidente do Tribunal da Relação de Lisboa demitiu-se das suas funções e ao fazê-lo deixou o país cada vez mais descrente da sua Justiça aliviado.

Como já aqui tínhamos escrito (em consonância com idênticas opiniões vindas de diferentes sectores da vida pública), o conjunto de suspeitas de ilegalidades que impendiam sobre o juiz Orlando Nascimento eram um vírus que inquinava todo o edifício da Justiça.

Não o atacar na sua raiz seria devastador não apenas para o tribunal onde se decidem uma boa parte dos grandes casos da Justiça portuguesa, como para todos os juízes e para todos os tribunais. Felizmente, os receios da repetição da terapia dos paninhos quentes com que a política ou a Justiça costumam adiar os seus problemas não se repetiram. Orlando Nascimento sai pelo seu próprio pé e isso é uma boa notícia.

A resignação do magistrado sobre o qual impendem suspeitas de alegadas ilegalidades no sorteio da distribuição de processos é a melhor forma de proteger a imagem dos juízes e dos tribunais. A pressão pública que tornou esta decisão inadiável é por isso um bom sintoma de vitalidade democrática.

A imprensa, em especial o PÚBLICO, foi revelando as suspeitas em torno do actual e do anterior presidente da Relação de Lisboa, a organização sindical dos juízes pediu uma sindicância, Catarina Martins e Jerónimo de Sousa exigiram medidas para garantir a “confiança” dos cidadãos no sistema, o Conselho Superior da Magistratura mostrou sentido de urgência na análise do problema e o Presidente da República prometeu falar depois da sua reunião desta terça-feira. Desta vez, o país político e judicial assumiu as responsabilidades que se lhe exigem.

Não podia ser de outra forma. De acordo com as revelações da imprensa, o triângulo formado entre os juízes Rui Rangel, e o anterior e actual presidente da Relação de Lisboa, Luís Vaz das Neves e Orlando Nascimento, era um monumento à denegação de justiça. O simples indício de que haveria escolha de juízes de acordo com o interesse de uma das partes envolvidas nos processos bastava para que todos os alicerces de uma sociedade democrática, os que sustentam o Estado de direito ou a igualdade de todos perante a lei, ficassem comprometidos.

No meio deste cenário de extrema gravidade, houve ao menos a lucidez e a decência de Orlando Nascimento em responder às preocupações da cidadania. Demitiu-se, para nosso alívio e para bem da Justiça. Num país habituado a enterrar a cabeça na areia para contornar os problemas, o gesto deve ser assinalado.

tp.ocilbup@ohlavrac.leunam

Juiz Orlando Nascimento demite-se da presidência da Relação de Lisboa

Pressão de presidente do Supremo terá sido determinante para saída do juiz envolvido em irregularidades detectadas na distribuição de processos naquele tribunal superior.

Mariana Oliveira 2 de Março de 2020, 16:12

O juiz Orlando Nascimento demitiu-se esta segunda-feira da presidência do Tribunal da Relação de Lisboa, após o PÚBLICO ter noticiado o seu envolvimento em irregularidades detectadas por uma auditoria aberta pelo Conselho Superior da Magistratura (CSM) para avaliar eventuais fraudes na distribuição de processos naquele tribunal.

A investigação foi aberta após a constituição como arguido do seu antecessor, Luís Vaz das Neves, na Operação Lex, por suspeitas de viciar a distribuição de determinados processos no âmbito de um esquema de corrupção que seria liderado por outro juiz da Relação de Lisboa, Rui Rangel, que está no centro daquele inquérito-crime. No processo também é arguida a ainda mulher de Rangel, Fátima Galante, de quem este está separado há vários anos, que é igualmente desembargadora naquele tribunal.

Isso mesmo é anunciado numa nota divulgada pelo presidente do CSM, Joaquim Piçarra, simultaneamente presidente do Supremo Tribunal de Justiça. “O presidente do Conselho Superior da Magistratura dá conhecimento público de que o presidente do Tribunal da Relação de Lisboa apresentou hoje [segunda-feira] carta de renúncia a este cargo, acto que não depende de qualquer aceitação e se tornou imediatamente eficaz”, lê-se no comunicado assinado por Joaquim Piçarra.

A presidência da Relação de Lisboa vai ser assumida pela juíza desembargadora Maria Guilhermina Freitas, que era até agora vice-presidente do tribunal. Deverá ser organizado brevemente um novo processo eleitoral para os juízes da Relação de Lisboa escolherem um presidente e um vice-presidente.

A demissão de Orlando Nascimento acontece na véspera do plenário do CSM que vai avaliar os resultados preliminares da auditoria que está a ser conduzida por um juiz do Supremo Tribunal de Justiça, com o apoio de uma equipa que inclui um técnico do Instituto de Gestão Financeira e Equipamentos da Justiça. Face aos factos que têm sido conhecidos nos últimos dias, é previsível que Orlando Nascimento venha a ser alvo de um processo disciplinar, o que deverá acontecer igualmente com Vaz das Neves, que, apesar de se encontrar jubilado, mantém-se obrigado a cumprir os deveres profissionais.

Segundo o PÚBLICO apurou, a renúncia de Orlando Nascimento ocorreu na sequência de pressões de Joaquim Piçarra que preside ao CSM, o órgão de gestão e tutela disciplinar dos juízes. Uma notícia do PÚBLICO na semana passada dava conta que o então presidente da Relação de Lisboa tinha autorizado o seu antecessor, de quem foi vice-presidente, a utilizar o salão nobre daquele tribunal para uma arbitragem presidida por Vaz das Neves, um julgamento privado que rendeu a este juiz aposentado 280 mil euros.

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British economy 'to grow 0.16% at best under US trade deal'
Admission lays bare limited benefits of ‘ambitious’ agreement with Donald Trump

Today’s political news - live updates
Heather Stewart, Lisa O'Carroll and Richard Partington

Mon 2 Mar 2020 12.45 GMTFirst published on Mon 2 Mar 2020 11.54 GMT

There are fears that Boris Johnson (right) would try to water down standards in areas including food production in trade talks with Donald Trump. Photograph: Peter Nicholls/Reuters
The British economy would be at most 0.16% larger by the middle of the next decade under a comprehensive trade deal with the US, the government has admitted, laying bare the limited benefits from striking an agreement with Donald Trump.

In a document published by Liz Truss’s Department for International Trade designed to kick-start post-Brexit trade talks with the Trump White House, the government said the British economy stood to benefit from an “ambitious and comprehensive” trade deal worth a fraction of GDP, equivalent to £3.4bn after 15 years.

Prompting warnings from economists that the benefits would be far outstripped by the losses from crashing out of the EU, the official analysis also showed that a more limited trade deal with the US would deliver benefits to the UK economy worth just 0.07% by the middle of the 2030s, or about £1.4bn.

The government had previously estimated the economy would be as much as 7.6% smaller should Britain leave the EU without a deal, and about 4.9% smaller under Boris Johnson’s preferred Canada-style agreement.

Dr Peter Holmes, an academic at the UK Trade Policy Observatory at Sussex University, said: “The numbers are very small. It just goes to show how tiny the gains are from an free trade agreement with the US compared to losing our present arrangements with the EU.”

Outlining the start of deeper talks with Washington, the UK government insisted it would not water down welfare standards or put the NHS up for sale to secure a trade deal with Trump.

In a document, published by Truss’s department, the government said it was aiming to reduce tariffs and other barriers to trade, but without compromising standards.

Overall, the government said it was seeking to achieve “broad liberalisation of tariffs” and “simple and modern rules of origin”, to determine which goods can pass freely between the two markets.

Fears have been expressed that the UK is preparing to water down standards in areas including food production – allowing imports of chlorinated chicken, for example. These were intensified when Boris Johnson said in his Greenwich speech last month that such rules should be “governed by science, not mumbo-jumbo”.

But the document reiterates the Conservatives’ manifesto commitment not to allow welfare standards to be compromised.

“The government’s manifesto has made it clear that in all of our trade negotiations, we will not compromise on our high environmental protection, animal welfare and food standards,” the document says.

It also insists that NHS drugs prices will not be up for negotiation, saying explicitly: “The price the NHS pays for drugs will not be on the table. The services the NHS provides will not be on the table.”

Jeremy Corbyn, the Labour leader, laid heavy stress during the general election campaign on the risk that drugs prices could increase significantly, after a Dispatches documentary revealed a series of meetings had been held between UK and US officials in which the issue had been raised.

The US negotiating mandate, published last year, pointed to public services as one area for potential liberalisation.

Trade expert Sam Lowe said the document showed the government intended to take a robust approach to US demands that the UK drop barriers to trade in agriculture and food, including chlorinated chicken and hormone-fed beef and to its desire to get access to the NHS.

“If you consider this as an opening document in a negotiation, then it shows the UK is holding firm on the NHS and is quite strong on agriculture making promises not just on food safety but on animal welfare. So the UK is saying it doesn’t want to compromise. This means that we are in for proper negotiations not just a quick deal, so we are in for the long haul,” said Lowe.

The document is being published on the same day that negotiations with the EU27 in Brussels over the future relationship kick off. Truss had argued the two processes should run simultaneously, believing that would maximise the UK’s leverage.

The government stresses the potential advantages of a deal, including potentially boosting exports of salmon, cheddar cheese and cars, claiming that “removing trade barriers with the US could deliver huge gains”.


Opening gambits
By Jim Brunsden
March 2, 2020



David Frost and Michel Barnier will today begin the epic task of forging a new EU-UK relationship out of the ashes of Brexit.
Around 100 British officials will be making the trip to Brussels, as the two sides open negotiations with competing visions of what that relationship should look like — and very little time to reconcile them.
UK chief negotiator Frost and Barnier, his EU counterpart, are used to doing business together, having negotiated on Britain’s EU withdrawal treaty last year.
But in terms of the breadth of issues to be addressed, the future relationship is of an entirely different order of magnitude to the divorce.

No fewer than 11 different groups of officials will work in parallel to dive into the details of everything from trade in goods to civil nuclear cooperation and access to fishing waters. The European Commission’s headquarters cannot provide enough meeting rooms, so negotiators will be decamping to a conference centre downtown.
The splits between the two sides are well known, and are well defined in respective negotiating positions published last week.
For the UK, the goal is to secure the maximum market access that is compatible with its overriding goal of pure, unfettered national sovereignty; for the EU, the aim is a relationship that makes market access contingent on deep policy commitments, and binding dispute-settlement.
This ideological faultline leaves the talks on shaky foundations. The UK has rejected the EU’s demand that Britain stick within the bloc’s state-aid regime, saying such “dynamic alignment” undermines the very raison d’être of Brexit. It has also pushed back against the EU’s call for a broader “level playing field” of regulatory standards that would be backed by penalties if either side breaches its obligations.
The EU insists that it cannot do a trade deal without these assurances, because of the risk that its companies would be placed at an unfair disadvantage.
There are plenty of other reasons that talks might break down. The EU has insisted that it will quickly stall the negotiations if the UK refuses to concede stable access rights to its waters for Europe’s fishermen. A similar threat applies if Boris Johnson backslides on commitments to impose checks on trade between Britain and Northern Ireland.
Brussels and Britain have often seemed to be talking past each other in recent weeks.
Barnier has repeatedly warned that no trade deal can provide frictionless trade — and Brussels knows that the British business community is anxious about the future arrangements. But Johnson and Frost have emphasised that they are ready to accept barriers as the price of securing the country’s policymaking independence.
Both sides are already looking to an EU-UK summit in June as a key moment to resolve any impasse; Johnson has threatened to walk away from the negotiations if no progress has been made by then. 
By that stage, only six months will remain until the end of Britain’s post-Brexit transition period, with the prospect that the EU and the UK could be left trading on basic WTO terms. The problem in this negotiation is not just lack of shared vision, it is lack of time to argue.
jim.brunsden@ft.com; @jimbrunsden



Blocked Heathrow Airport Expansion Celebrated by Climate Activists



Blocked Heathrow Airport Expansion Celebrated by Climate Activists
 Jordan Davidson
Feb. 28, 2020 01:28PM EST

Aircraft come in to land at Heathrow airport over horses in a field on Feb. 27, 2020 in London, England. Plans for a third runway at Heathrow airport have been ruled illegal. Chris J Ratcliffe / Getty Images
The British government's plan to reach net zero emissions by 2050 conflicts with its long-standing plan to level a village to expand Heathrow Airport, one of the world's busiest airport hubs. Now an appeals court in Britain has ruled that the expansion is illegal since the government did not take into account how building a third runway would jibe with the government's commitment to fight the climate crisis, according to The Guardian.

Heathrow currently handles around 80 million passengers per year. A third runway would cost nearly $18 billion to build and would increase traffic by about 700 planes per day, spurring a huge rise in carbon emissions, according to The Guardian

The court ruled that the British government made firm commitment to the Paris agreement, but did not work that into its plans, as CNN reported. Climate activists who brought the suit celebrated the decision on the court steps.

"We have not found that a national policy statement supporting this project is necessarily incompatible with the United Kingdom's commitment to reducing carbon emissions and mitigating climate change under the Paris Agreement, or with any other policy the Government may adopt or international obligation it may undertake," the judges wrote in their ruling, according to CNN.

"The Paris Agreement ought to have been taken into account by the Secretary of State ... and an explanation given as to how it was taken into account, but it was not," the judges added.

The future plans of the proposed third runway, which Heathrow has wanted to build for 20 years, are uncertain. Heathrow Airport said it would appeal the decision to the country's Supreme Court, but the British government said it would not appeal the verdict, according to a tweet from Transportation Secretary Grant Shapps who was the defendant in the case.

"Airport expansion is core to boosting global connectivity. We also take seriously our commitment to the environment. This Govt won't appeal today's judgment given our manifesto makes clear any #Heathrow expansion will be industry led," Shapps wrote on Twitter.

Heathrow Airport CEO John Holland-Kaye said they would ask the Supreme Court to rule because "We think the appeals court got it wrong," as the BBC reported.

However, Heathrow does not have a friend in Prime Minister Boris Johnson who has opposed the third runway, saying in 2015 that he would "lie down in front of those bulldozers and stop the construction."

"This is definitely the beginning of the end for the third runway," said Rob Barnstone, of the No Third Runway Coalition, to The Guardian. "It is a very important ruling not just for Heathrow but for all projects. If the government thinks they are going to put forward big infrastructure projects and not take climate change seriously, well, they won't be able to get away with it."

Construction of the third runway would have crossed a busy and congested motorway. It would also require about 750 homes in nearby villages to be flattened, according to CNN.

Climate activists celebrated the decision for the message it sends for all future infrastructure projects.

"This judgment has exciting wider implications for keeping climate change at the heart of all planning decisions," Will Rundle, head of legal at Friends of the Earth, said in a statement, as CNN reported. "It's time for developers and public authorities to be held to account when it comes to the climate impact of their damaging developments."

To Fly or Not to Fly? The Environmental Cost of Air Travel - EcoWatch ›
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Heathrow expansion: our victory in court | Friends of the Earth ›

Quando a Justiça se senta no banco dos réus



Quando a Justiça se senta no banco dos réus
Paulo Ferreira
1 Março 2020

A Justiça é o último reduto quando tudo o resto falha. As imperfeições da democracia têm ali, muitas vezes, a correcção possível. Se ela nos falha pode falhar-nos tudo. E ela falha-nos.

Neste sábado a “bolha” das redes sociais entreteve-se a discutir se o Expresso devia ter ou não feito manchete com uma declaração da directora-geral da Saúde em entrevista ao jornal: “Graça Freitas admite 1 milhão de infectados em Portugal”. Sim, é uma discussão interessante. Mas prefiro destacar a honestidade e transparência de Graça Freitas, colocando em cima da mesa cenários extremos num país onde a regra é a relativização, a desvalorização e o relaxe. E isso, como sabemos, volta e meia acaba muito mal.
O que é preocupante é que mesmo ao lado dessa manchete o Expresso tinha outro título que, aparentemente, não fez ninguém pestanejar: “Presidente da Relação viciou escolha do juiz no caso Rangel”. Neste caso já não estamos perante cenários que podem ser trágicos. O que se vai passando na Justiça é real, está a acontecer. E não é bonito de se ver.
O Público deste domingo volta ao tema com detalhes: o anterior presidente do Tribunal da Relação de Lisboa combinou com o actual que seria este a ajuizar o recurso de um processo que o também juiz Rui Rangel tinha perdido na primeira instância. Tudo a pedido do interessado e, claro, feito à margem das regras para a distribuição de processos por juízes. E, surpresa, não é que o Tribunal da Relação veio a dar razão ao queixoso, invertendo a decisão anterior? E, nova surpresa, não é que um novo recurso para o Supremo Tribunal de Justiça veio a confirmar a primeira sentença, para desgosto de Rui Rangel e atirando para o lixo o “cozinhado” que preparou com os dois colegas juízes da Relação?
É evidente que aqui, como em qualquer área, não é uma andorinha que faz a Primavera. Nem duas ou três. Nem quatro, vá lá, se recordarmos que a juíza Fátima Galante é também arguida na Operação Lex, que está na origem disto tudo. Em todo o lado há gente séria e gente pouco recomendável e os juízes não são uma casta especial.
Tem havido mais casos individuais como a condenação do magistrado Orlando Figueira na Operação Fizz ou a venda de informações processuais relacionadas com o Benfica a um assessor jurídico do clube.
Mas há outros sinais que denotam uma doença profunda do sistema. Nos últimos dias ficámos a saber que um dos processos contra Vale e Azevedo prescreveu por terem passado 20 anos sobre os factos que deviam ter ido a julgamento – em causa estava o desvio de 1,2 milhões de euros do Benfica para os bolsos do então presidente – e que a decisão judicial que decidiu a demolição do Prédio Coutinho em Viana do Castelo acaba de ser anulada por um tribunal superior 15 anos depois.
Estes são os casos mediáticos. Por eles podemos suspeitar o que se passará em centenas, milhares de outros processos que deixam vidas em suspenso durante décadas ou permitem a impunidade de criminosos.
E podemos também falar da falta de preparação moral e de valores que alguns juízes demonstram em sentenças machistas que violam os mais básicos direitos de vítimas que tiveram o segundo infortúnio de ir parar às mãos daqueles magistrados.
Não podemos sequer ficar espantados com isso porque o machismo começa por reflectir-se na carreira das próprias juízas.
Um sistema que perpetua uma abissal diferença de tratamentos entre ricos e pobres, que não consegue tomar decisões em tempo útil para cumprir a sua função mais básica, que maltrata vítimas com frequência, onde aparecem focos de corrupção a vários níveis ou onde a percepção de independência e coragem na investigação criminal de poderosos anda ao sabor de quem ocupa os cargos é um sistema doente.
De todas as grandes áreas sectoriais a Justiça é aquela onde a democracia mais falhou. Nada na Educação, Saúde, Segurança, Defesa ou áreas sociais se lhe compara, apesar das visíveis dificuldades numa ou noutra área.
E logo a Justiça. Ela que é olhada como o último reduto quando tudo o resto falha. As imperfeições da democracia têm ali, muitas vezes, a correcção possível. É na Justiça que os cidadãos devem confiar para o equilíbrio de relações que, à partida, são desequilibradas e injustas. É para ela que todos olham para travar abusos dos poderes. É nela que queremos confiar para lutar contra a corrupção ou a fraude, a violência ou os ataques à propriedade os abusos da liberdade de imprensa ou dos eleitos.
Se ela nos falha pode falhar-nos quase tudo. Não sabemos se todos os protagonistas da Justiça terão a noção do que se está a passar e da gravidade das consequências.
Pelo menos a Associação Sindical dos Juízes já terá percebido, o que já não é pouco num sector onde o corporativismo reina, como em tantos outros. Vamos ver os estes alertas vindos de dentro são eficazes.
E as restantes partes interessadas? O Conselho Superior da Magistratura? O Supremo Tribunal de Justiça? O Presidente da República e o Governo? Os advogados?
Não se vê ninguém particularmente preocupado com o que se passa. Nem para os habituais “é preciso uma profunda investigação, doa a quem doer, custe o que custar” que, como os vestidos pretos, ficam sempre bem e nunca comprometem.
Os rituais do sector sucedem-se da mesma forma, com as mesmas vestes, com os mesmos formalismos, com o mesmo respeitinho, com os mesmos salamaleques, com os mesmos e repetitivos discursos e apelos. As aberturas oficiais dos anos judiciais são, aliás, um bom retrato do imobilismo e clausura a que o sector se remeteu, alheio ao mundo que o rodeia.
Fazem-se ou simulam-se “pactos para a Justiça”.
Mas há uma parte da Justiça que teima em perpetuar os tiques do tempo da outra senhora. E não há democracia saudável que possa resistir a uma coisa destas.
Paulo Ferreira
Colunista

domingo, 1 de março de 2020

Unsealing of Vatican archives will finally reveal truth about ‘Hitler’s pope’



Unsealing of Vatican archives will finally reveal truth about ‘Hitler’s pope’

Historians can now pore over secret files from the papacy of Pius XII, who has long faced accusations of being a Nazi sympathiser

Harriet Sherwood
 @harrietsherwood
Sun 1 Mar 2020 06.33 GMTLast modified on Sun 1 Mar 2020 08.17 GMT

New light will be shed on one of the most controversial periods of Vatican history on Monday when the archives on Pope Pius XII – accused by critics of being a Nazi sympathiser – are unsealed.

A year after Pope Francis announced the move, saying “the church isn’t afraid of history”, the documents from Pius XII’s papacy, which began in 1939 on the brink of the second world war and ended in 1958, will be opened, initially to a small number of scholars.

Critics of Pius XII have accused him of remaining silent during the Holocaust, never publicly condemning the persecution and genocide of Jews and others. His defenders say that he quietly encouraged convents and other Catholic institutions to hide thousands of Jews, and that public criticism of the Nazis would have risked the lives of priests and nuns.

 “The opening of the archives is decisive for the contemporary history of the church and the world,” said Cardinal José Tolentino Calaça de Mendonça, the Vatican’s archivist and librarian last week.

Bishop Sergio Pagano, the prefect of the Vatican Apostolic Archive, said scholars would have to make a “historical judgment”. He added: “The good [that Pius did] was so great that it will dwarf the few shadows.” Evaluating the millions of pages in the archives would take several years, he said.

More than 150 people have applied to access the archives, although only 60 can be accommodated in the offices at one time. Among the first to view the documents will be representatives of the Jewish community in Rome, and scholars from Yad Vashem, Israel’s Holocaust museum, and the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum.

David Kertzer, an American expert on the relationship between the Catholic church and fascism, who will begin examining the papers this week, said there were “signs of nervousness” at the Vatican about what would emerge from the archives. The Vatican archives would provide an “immense amount of fresh material from many millions of pages”, he told the Observer.

“On the big question, it’s clear: Pius XII never publicly criticised the Nazis for the mass murder they were committing of the Jews of Europe – and he knew from the very beginning that mass murder was taking place. Various clerics and others were pressing him to speak out, and he declined to do so.

“Although there is a lot of testimony showing that the church did protect Jews in Rome, when more than 1,000 were rounded up on 16 October 1943 and held for two days adjacent to the Vatican [before deportation to the death camps], Pius decided not to publicly protest or even privately send a plea to Hitler not to send them to their deaths in Auschwitz. Hopefully, what we’ll find from these archives is why he did what he did, and what discussions were going on behind the walls of the Vatican.”

Mary Vincent, professor of modern European history at Sheffield University, said that much of the criticism of Pius Xll lacked nuance. “He was a careful, austere and quite unlikable man, trying to steer a path through almost impossible circumstances. He had clear views about what he saw as the threat of Soviet communism, and his view of Italian fascism was quite a bit softer. But categorising him as good or bad is not helpful – it’s about the decisions he took, and the space he had to make those decisions.”

Pius – whose birth name was Eugenio Pacelli – was Vatican secretary of state under his predecessor, Pope Pius XI, and a former papal nuncio, or envoy, to Germany. In 1933, he negotiated a concordat between the Catholic church and Germany. After he was elected pope, six months before the outbreak of war, the Vatican maintained diplomatic relations with the Third Reich, and the new pontiff declined to condemn the Nazi invasion of Poland on 1 September 1939.

In December 1942, Pius XII spoke out in general terms about the suffering of the Jews, although he had known for several months about the Nazi extermination plans. In 1943, he wrote to the bishop of Berlin, arguing that the church could not publicly condemn the Holocaust for fear of causing “greater evils”.

Hitler’s Pope, a controversial biography of Pius XII by British author John Cornwell, published in 1999, claimed the pope was an antisemite who “failed to be gripped with moral outrage by the plight of the Jews”. He was also narcissistic and determined to protect and advance the power of the papacy, the book argued. Pius XII was “the ideal pope for Hitler’s unspeakable plan. He was Hitler’s pawn. He was Hitler’s Pope.”

Cornwell’s claims were challenged by some scholars and authors. He later conceded that Pius XII had “so little scope of action that it is impossible to judge the motives for his silence during the war”, although the pontiff had never explained his stance.

In 2012, Yad Vashem changed the wording on an exhibit on Pius XII’s papacy, from he “did not intervene” to he “did not publicly protest”. The new text acknowledged different assessments of the pope’s position and Yad Vashem said it “look[ed] forward to the day when the Vatican archives will be open to researchers so that a clearer understanding of the events can be arrived at”.

Pope Benedict, Francis’s predecessor, declared in 2009 that Pius XII had lived a life of “heroic” Christian virtue, a step towards possible sainthood. But in 2014, Francis said no miracle – a prerequisite for beatification, the final step to canonisation – had been identified. “If there are no miracles, it can’t go forward. It’s blocked there,” Francis said after visiting Yad Vashem. Last year, Francis said Pius XII had led the church during one of the “saddest and darkest periods of the 20th century”. He added that he was confident that “serious and objective historical research will allow the evaluation [of Pius] in the correct light,” including “appropriate criticism”.


Hitler's Pope is a book published in 1999 by the British journalist and author John Cornwell that examines the actions of Eugenio Pacelli, who became Pope Pius XII, before and during the Nazi era, and explores the charge that he assisted in the legitimization of Adolf Hitler's Nazi regime in Germany, through the pursuit of a Reichskonkordat in 1933. The book is critical of Pius' conduct during the Second World War, arguing that he did not do enough, or speak out enough, against the Holocaust. Cornwell argues that Pius's entire career as the nuncio to Germany, Cardinal Secretary of State, and Pope, was characterized by a desire to increase and centralize the power of the Papacy, and that he subordinated opposition to the Nazis to that goal. He further argues that Pius was antisemitic and that this stance prevented him from caring about the European Jews.

Various commentators have challenged the book's leading ideas, or challenged factual assertions contained within it. Holocaust historian Martin Gilbert credits Pius XII with various actions which saved Jews, and notes that the Nazi security forces referred to him as the "mouthpiece of the Jewish war criminals". Pius XII maintained links to the German Resistance and in the assessment of historian Frank J. Coppa writing for the Encyclopædia Britannica, Cornwell's depiction of Pius XII as antisemitic lacks "credible substantiation".

The author has been praised for attempting to bring into the open the debate on the Catholic Church's relationship with the Nazis, but also accused of making unsubstantiated claims and ignoring positive evidence. The author has moderated some of his allegations since publication of the book. In 2004, Cornwell stated that Pius XII "had so little scope of action that it is impossible to judge the motives for his silence during the war, while Rome was under the heel of Mussolini and later occupied by Germany. ... But even if his prevarications and silences were performed with the best of intentions, he had an obligation in the postwar period to explain those actions". He similarly stated in 2008 that Pius XII's "scope for action was severely limited", but that "[n]evertheless, due to his ineffectual and diplomatic language in respect of the Nazis and the Jews, I still believe that it was incumbent on him to explain his failure to speak out after the war. This he never did." In 2009 he described Pacelli as effectively a "fellow traveller" of the Nazis.

Cornwell's work was the first to have access to testimonies from Pius's beatification process as well as to many documents from Eugenio Pacelli's nunciature which had just been opened under the seventy-five year rule by the Vatican State Secretary archives. Cornwell's work has received both praise and criticism. Eamon Duffy wrote that Cornwell's "gripping and impassioned account" had presented "an indictment that [could not] be ignored" and Saul Friedländer that Cornwell had demonstrated how "Pius XII brought the authoritarianism and the centralization of his predecessors to their most extreme stage." Susan Zuccotti's Under His Very Windows: The Vatican and the Holocaust in Italy (2000) and Michael Phayer's The Catholic Church and the Holocaust, 1930–1965 (2000) are critical of both Cornwell and Pius XII. Ronald J. Rychlak's Hitler, the War and the Pope is critical as well but defends Pius XII in light of his own access to recent documents.

Cornwell researched the conduct of Pacelli, both while he served as nuncio to Germany and after he was made Pope; some of Cornwell's principal resources were the Vatican archives. Cornwell stated that he reassured the archivists he was on the side of the pope as the God's representative on earth and, acting in good faith, he had "generous access to unseen material". He concluded that:

Near the end of my research I found myself in a state I can only describe as moral shock. The material I had gathered, taking the more extensive view of Pacelli's life, amounted not to an exoneration but to a wider indictment. Spanning Pacelli's career from the beginning of the century, my research told the story of a bid for unprecedented papal power that by 1933 had drawn the Catholic Church into complicity with the darkest forces of the era. I found evidence, moreover, that from an early stage in his career Pacelli betrayed an undeniable antipathy toward the Jews, and that his diplomacy in Germany in the 1930s had resulted in the betrayal of Catholic political associations that might have challenged Hitler's regime and thwarted the Final Solution. Eugenio Pacelli was no monster; his case is far more complex, more tragic, than that. The interest of his story depends on a fatal combination of high spiritual aspirations in conflict with soaring ambition for power and control. His is not a portrait of evil but of fatal moral dislocation-a separation of authority from Christian love. The consequences of that rupture were collusion with tyranny and, ultimately, violence.

Cornwell alleged that, from at least his early '40s onward, Pacelli had antisemitic tendencies. He traced the earliest manifestation of these antisemitic tendencies to an incident in 1917 in which Pacelli refused to help facilitate the exportation of palm fronds from Italy to be used by German Jews in Munich to celebrate the festival of Tabernacles. Cornwell argued that, although this incident was "small in itself", it "belies subsequent claims that Pacelli had a great love of the Jewish religion and was always motivated by its best interests."

Cornwell stated he uncovered a "time bomb" letter signed and personally annotated by Pacelli that had been lying in the Vatican archives since 1919, regarding the actions of communist revolutionaries in Munich. Regarding this letter, Cornwell stated "The repeated references to the Jewishness of these individuals, amid the catalogue of epithets describing their physical and moral repulsiveness, gives an impression of stereotypical anti-Semitic contempt". Cornwell asserts that the letter from Pacelli to Pietro Gaspam [sic Gaparri ] portrays Jews in an unfavorable light and associates them with the Bolshevik revolution.

In the assessment of Frank J. Coppa, writing for Encyclopædia Britannica, Cornwell's depiction of Pacelli as antisemitic lacks "credible substantiation". Coppa writes: "though Pius's wartime public condemnations of racism and genocide were cloaked in generalities, he did not turn a blind eye to the suffering but chose to use diplomacy to aid the persecuted. It is impossible to know if a more forthright condemnation of the Holocaust would have proved more effective in saving lives, though it probably would have better assured his reputation."