quinta-feira, 1 de dezembro de 2016

This is the most dangerous time for our planet


This is the most dangerous time for our planet
Stephen Hawking
We can’t go on ignoring inequality, because we have the means to destroy our world but not to escape it

Thursday 1 December 2016 18.28 GMT

As a theoretical physicist based in Cambridge, I have lived my life in an extraordinarily privileged bubble. Cambridge is an unusual town, centred around one of the world’s great universities. Within that town, the scientific community that I became part of in my 20s is even more rarefied.

And within that scientific community, the small group of international theoretical physicists with whom I have spent my working life might sometimes be tempted to regard themselves as the pinnacle. In addition to this, with the celebrity that has come with my books, and the isolation imposed by my illness, I feel as though my ivory tower is getting taller.

So the recent apparent rejection of the elites in both America and Britain is surely aimed at me, as much as anyone. Whatever we might think about the decision by the British electorate to reject membership of the European Union and by the American public to embrace Donald Trump as their next president, there is no doubt in the minds of commentators that this was a cry of anger by people who felt they had been abandoned by their leaders.

It was, everyone seems to agree, the moment when the forgotten spoke, finding their voices to reject the advice and guidance of experts and the elite everywhere.

What matters now, far more than the victories by Brexit and Trump, is how the elites react
I am no exception to this rule. I warned before the Brexit vote that it would damage scientific research in Britain, that a vote to leave would be a step backward, and the electorate – or at least a sufficiently significant proportion of it – took no more notice of me than any of the other political leaders, trade unionists, artists, scientists, businessmen and celebrities who all gave the same unheeded advice to the rest of the country.

What matters now, far more than the choices made by these two electorates, is how the elites react. Should we, in turn, reject these votes as outpourings of crude populism that fail to take account of the facts, and attempt to circumvent or circumscribe the choices that they represent? I would argue that this would be a terrible mistake.

The concerns underlying these votes about the economic consequences of globalisation and accelerating technological change are absolutely understandable. The automation of factories has already decimated jobs in traditional manufacturing, and the rise of artificial intelligence is likely to extend this job destruction deep into the middle classes, with only the most caring, creative or supervisory roles remaining.

This in turn will accelerate the already widening economic inequality around the world. The internet and the platforms that it makes possible allow very small groups of individuals to make enormous profits while employing very few people. This is inevitable, it is progress, but it is also socially destructive.

We need to put this alongside the financial crash, which brought home to people that a very few individuals working in the financial sector can accrue huge rewards and that the rest of us underwrite that success and pick up the bill when their greed leads us astray. So taken together we are living in a world of widening, not diminishing, financial inequality, in which many people can see not just their standard of living, but their ability to earn a living at all, disappearing. It is no wonder then that they are searching for a new deal, which Trump and Brexit might have appeared to represent.

It is also the case that another unintended consequence of the global spread of the internet and social media is that the stark nature of these inequalities is far more apparent than it has been in the past. For me, the ability to use technology to communicate has been a liberating and positive experience. Without it, I would not have been able to continue working these many years past.

But it also means that the lives of the richest people in the most prosperous parts of the world are agonisingly visible to anyone, however poor, who has access to a phone. And since there are now more people with a telephone than access to clean water in sub-Saharan Africa, this will shortly mean nearly everyone on our increasingly crowded planet will not be able to escape the inequality.

The consequences of this are plain to see: the rural poor flock to cities, to shanty towns, driven by hope. And then often, finding that the Instagram nirvana is not available there, they seek it overseas, joining the ever greater numbers of economic migrants in search of a better life. These migrants in turn place new demands on the infrastructures and economies of the countries in which they arrive, undermining tolerance and further fuelling political populism.

For me, the really concerning aspect of this is that now, more than at any time in our history, our species needs to work together. We face awesome environmental challenges: climate change, food production, overpopulation, the decimation of other species, epidemic disease, acidification of the oceans.

Together, they are a reminder that we are at the most dangerous moment in the development of humanity. We now have the technology to destroy the planet on which we live, but have not yet developed the ability to escape it. Perhaps in a few hundred years, we will have established human colonies amid the stars, but right now we only have one planet, and we need to work together to protect it.

To do that, we need to break down, not build up, barriers within and between nations. If we are to stand a chance of doing that, the world’s leaders need to acknowledge that they have failed and are failing the many. With resources increasingly concentrated in the hands of a few, we are going to have to learn to share far more than at present.

With not only jobs but entire industries disappearing, we must help people to retrain for a new world and support them financially while they do so. If communities and economies cannot cope with current levels of migration, we must do more to encourage global development, as that is the only way that the migratory millions will be persuaded to seek their future at home.

We can do this, I am an enormous optimist for my species; but it will require the elites, from London to Harvard, from Cambridge to Hollywood, to learn the lessons of the past year. To learn above all a measure of humility.


• The writer launched www.unlimited.world earlier this year

Oposição na câmara tem muitas dúvidas sobre financiamento da Carris


Oposição na câmara tem muitas dúvidas sobre financiamento da Carris
O PCP é o partido mais crítico da municipalização da empresa, que vê como “um passo para uma futura privatização ou concessão”.

INÊS BOAVENTURA 30 de Novembro de 2016, 21:19

O PCP entende que a municipalização da Carris “vai no sentido errado”, por se afastar da desejável gestão metropolitana dos transportes públicos, e “será um passo para uma futura privatização ou concessão a privados da empresa”. Outra preocupação do partido, partilhada pelo PSD e pelo CDS, tem a ver com a forma como será financiada a empresa, e com o impacto que esta operação terá nas contas do município.

A proposta que visava “mandatar o presidente da Câmara de Lisboa para prosseguir a negociação com o Estado Português, com vista à concretização do novo modelo de gestão da Carris” estava agendada para a reunião camarária desta quarta-feira mas não chegou a ser votada porque os vereadores da oposição consideraram insuficiente a informação de que dispunham para se pronunciarem sobre o assunto. Mas isso não impediu que o tema fosse longamente debatido.

Foi do comunista João Ferreira que se ouviram mais críticas à solução que foi agora encontrada, e que passa pela assunção da gestão e da propriedade da Carris pela câmara no dia 1 de Janeiro de 2017. Para o autarca, com a municipalização da empresa o “risco” de ela vir a ser entregue a privados “é muito maior” do que se ela permanecesse na esfera do Estado, dada a “reduzida capacidade financeira” do município quando comparada com a do Governo.

O PCP apontou ainda o financiamento da Carris como “uma questão candente” e defendeu que esta deveria ser uma responsabilidade do Estado e não do município, que se verá obrigado a desviar para este fim receitas que até aqui eram afectadas a outras áreas ou a procurar formas de aumentar essas receitas.

Quanto às oito medidas que o presidente da câmara já fez saber que pretende concretizar nos próximos três anos para melhorar o serviço prestado pela transportadora, João Ferreira sublinhou o “sentido positivo de algumas” delas, mas considerou-as “manifestamente insuficientes”. Entre aquelas que o vereador gostaria de ver concretizadas está uma “diminuição geral do preço dos bilhetes”, que abranja a totalidade dos utilizadores e não apenas os menores de 12 e os maiores de 65 anos.

Já o centrista João Gonçalves Pereira afirmou ter várias “reservas” sobre a municipalização da Carris, desde logo pela falta de “experiência” da autarquia na gestão de empresas de transportes. João Gonçalves Pereira mostrou-se também preocupado com “o risco” que esta operação poderá acarretar para as finanças camarárias.

“Há um risco grande numa operação destas. Há mais-valias, claro que sim, mas há muitos riscos”, sustentou, questionando que custos terá a concretização das medidas anunciadas por Fernando Medina.

Pelo PSD, António Prôa frisou a necessidade de se “medir com o maior rigor qual é o verdadeiro impacto financeiro” da municipalização, “no imediato e a prazo”. O autarca defendeu ainda que esta matéria “devia ser alvo de um acordo de regime”, que “podia não culminar numa unanimidade”, mas que pelo menos dava aos partidos da oposição a oportunidade de “dar contributos” para que se chegasse a uma “solução mais perfeita”.

O vereador social democrata lamentou que não tenha havido até agora qualquer referência a um investimento na rede de eléctricos e considerou que “há um risco muito grande” de não se conseguir assegurar a “articulação” com o Metropolitano de Lisboa.

Em resposta, Fernando Medina assegurou que à Carris serão alocados “os recursos financeiros necessários” e que “a empresa não vai acumular dívida e vai expandir a oferta”. O autarca frisou ainda que só mais tarde, num “plano estratégico” que será submetido à apreciação dos órgãos municipais, serão definidas questões mais concretas da operação da empresa.

Nesta reunião foi aprovada, por unanimidade, uma moção do PCP que pugnava por “um passe social intermodal para toda a Área Metropolitana de Lisboa”.

Fora do Estado não há salvação


Fora do Estado não há salvação
Ao longo dos últimos meses, António Domingues esteve mais sozinho na Caixa Geral de Depósitos do que Robinson Crusoe na sua ilha, antes da chegada de Sexta-feira.

JOÃO MIGUEL TAVARES
1 de Dezembro de 2016, 8:03

Queriam um banco público despartidarizado, não era? Queriam um grupo de gestores competentes, que não concedessem empréstimos a pedido? Queriam a Caixa Geral de Depósitos blindada às más influências dos governos, que foram depauperando a sua imagem e os seus balanços ao longo dos anos? Queriam mais profissionalismo na gestão e menos amiguismo na decisão? Queriam, não queriam? Claro que queriam. Eu também queria. Mas vejam no que isso deu. Um gestor com imensa experiência na banca e nenhuma experiência política acabou triturado sem dó nem piedade. O governo que o nomeou nunca o protegeu. O ministro das Finanças que o convidou nunca o defendeu. O próprio partido que apoia o governo não o queria lá. O Presidente da República tirou-lhe o tapete. O principal partido da oposição não descansou enquanto ele não caiu. E a queda aconteceu com a ajuda decisiva de um dos partidos que sustentam o governo. Ao longo dos últimos meses, António Domingues esteve mais sozinho na Caixa Geral de Depósitos do que Robinson Crusoe na sua ilha, antes da chegada de Sexta-feira.

Domingues já não era um banqueiro. Era um saco de pancada. Dir-me-ão que ele teve culpa no que lhe aconteceu. Com certeza. A sua inabilidade para gerir mediaticamente este processo é assinalável e as justificações para a sua saída variam de dia para dia. Mas acreditem: ele é o menos culpado no meio de tudo isto. Que haja uma sondagem que o aponta como o grande responsável pela actual situação da Caixa (36%), muito à frente do ministro das Finanças (16%) e do primeiro-ministro (15%), apenas demonstra que a habilidade política de António Costa faz milagres. Até ao dia de hoje, nós, contribuintes e eleitores, não sabemos quais foram os termos do acordo entre Domingues e Centeno e o que é que realmente lhe foi prometido. E ninguém se sente obrigado a explicar. O primeiro-ministro, assim que percebeu o que lá vinha, apressou-se a erguer um cordão sanitário à sua volta, composto por monossílabos à saída de eventos e que incluiu – coisa nunca vista – o silêncio absoluto durante todo o debate do orçamento, só para não ter de responder a perguntas sobre a Caixa. António Domingues foi deixado a grelhar na fogueira política e mediática portuguesa, com os responsáveis por atiçar o lume a irem-se revezando. Umas vezes era Carlos César, outras Passos Coelho, outras Marcelo, outras o próprio António Costa.


E a razão porque isto aconteceu é a mesma razão porque António Domingues era uma boa escolha para a Caixa: porque ele não tem amigos na política. Tirando António Lobo Xavier, que o conhece do BPI, e mais dois ou três jornalistas que algum dia terão contactado com ele, Domingues não teve absolutamente ninguém que saísse em sua defesa. O senhor é com certeza muitíssimo competente, mas só com competência ninguém vai longe dentro do Estado português. Um outsider ou se adapta rapidamente aos métodos da casa ou naufraga ao primeiro escolho. Como acabou por acontecer. Domingues achou que a palavra dada contava mais do que a sobrevivência política. Não conta. Fora do Estado não há salvação: é suprema ingenuidade acreditar que um monstro da dimensão da Caixa Geral de Depósitos pode realmente vir a ser despolitizado e gerido com a independência que todos desejávamos. Domingues foi usado e deitado fora. Delineou a recuperação do banco, ajudou a que o plano passasse em Bruxelas, e a partir daí tornou-se descartável. A política não é para amadores.

BE sob fogo cerrado por não ter aplaudido Rei de Espanha


BE sob fogo cerrado por não ter aplaudido Rei de Espanha

30.11.2016 às 18h00158

Partido foi “mal educado”, considera Duarte Marques, deputado do PSD, enquanto Porfírio Silva, do PS, lembra que “os reis não são todos iguais”

Depois de esta manhã os deputados do Bloco de Esquerda terem permanecido sentados nas bancadas do Parlamento após o discurso do Rei de Espanha – o PCP não aplaudiu, mas os seus deputados levantaram-se no momento dos aplausos –, muitas são as vozes críticas nas redes sociais condenando a atitude. Algumas são de outros deputados.

“O Facebook está cheio de posts sobre a atitude javarda e malcriada dos deputados do bloco de esquerda ante um chefe de Estado de outro país, por sinal democrático, que nos visita, e visita o Parlamento”, considera Raul Almeida, ex-deputado do CDS. “Compreendo a repulsa e a indignação, não compreendo de todo a surpresa”, acrescenta.

A intervenção de Felipe VI foi aplaudida de pé pelo primeiro-ministro, membros do Governo e grupos parlamentares do PSD, PS e CDS.

Os deputados do BE, que não participaram na sessão de cumprimentos aos reis, pretenderam manter “a posição de sempre, republicana”, fiéis também à não valorização das “relações de poder com base em relações de sangue e não em atos democráticos”. Alguns dos deputados do Bloco usaram mesmo pins da República, discretos, mas como expressão simbólica da sua posição.

Também Duarte Marques, deputado do PSD, comentou a atitude do BE: “Esta é a diferença: PCP não bate palmas mas demonstra respeito pelo interesse nacional e sentido de Estado. O BE é apenas mal educado”. A acompanhar o post, uma foto da Assembleia, momentos após a intervenção do Rei.

Através do Facebook, Porfírio Silva, do PS, afirma que “os reis não são todos iguais”, lembrando que “a atual dinastia da monarquia espanhola merece crédito, até pelo contributo que deu para a democracia espanhola”, tendo sido “legitimada democraticamente”.

“Continuo a pensar que uma república é mais democrática do que uma monarquia? Continuo. Mas isso não me impede de respeitar um rei que, julgo, respeita a ordem constitucional do seu país, que é uma democracia”, conclui Porfírio Silva.


Eurico Dias Brilhante, também da bancada parlamentar socialista, julga “uma infantilidade tratar os espanhóis como um povo infantil”.

“À terça votamos votos de pesar sem fazer referência a um sistema político sem eleições livres; à quarta ficamos sentados numa sessão solene com um chefe de estado de uma monarquia constitucional com eleições livres. E com uma constituição referendada em democracia”, acrescenta o deputado, numa alusão à aprovação pelo BE dos dois votos de pesar pela morte de Fidel Castro apresentados esta semana na Assembleia. E termina: “Viva a República mas que Deus nos livre das vanguardas esclarecidas”.


(Texto atualizado às 18h54)

Why Portugal has become an oasis of stability


Why Portugal has become an oasis of stability
Portugal bucks Europe’s populist trend, but financial fragility remains a threat.

By PAUL AMES 12/1/16, 5:35 AM CET Updated 12/1/16, 7:55 AM CET

LISBON — Any celebrations of António Costa‘s first anniversary as Portugal’s prime minister were muted by the announcement this week that the man Costa spent five months persuading to lead Portugal’s biggest bank had resigned, plunging into doubt the government’s efforts to shore up the country’s shaky financial system.

Yet compared to the existential threats facing so many of Europe’s leaders and mainstream political forces, Portugal’s Socialist prime minister looks to be sitting pretty.

A poll published Friday gave Costa an 81 percent approval rating, up from 47 percent in December 2015. Not bad compared to fellow center-left leaders such as Italy’s Prime Minister Matteo Renzi, who’s slipped to around 30 percent, and French President François Hollande, languishing around 4 percent.

“We’ve been able to keep all our promises to the Portuguese people,” Costa said Tuesday after parliament approved his budget for 2017. “We’ve turned the page on austerity … we’ve shown an alternative is possible and we’ll keep building that alternative.”

Far-right populism, surging across Europe, is largely absent in Portugal, and the government has been stealing support from the two far-left parties who back the minority government in parliament. Both the Portuguese Communist Party on 6 percent and the Left Bloc on 8 percent have dropped a couple of points since the election.

Voters who really didn’t trust António Costa a year ago have become rather attached to him” — Nuno Garoupa of Lisbon’s Católica Global School of Law

Portugal’s Socialist Party would get 43 percent of the vote if elections were held now, according to the poll published in the Diário da Notícias newspaper.

Portugal’s aversion to far-right politics can be explained in part by the lasting legacy of dictator António Oliveira Salazar, whose harsh regime lasted for over four decades until toppled by a 1974 revolution. Portugal has also not experienced a recent influx of refugees or a sudden surge of immigrants, like those that fueled the growth of the far-right elsewhere. Its immigrant communities, mainly from Brazil, Portuguese-speaking Africa and Eastern European countries such as Ukraine and Romania, are comparatively well integrated.

Radical fears unfounded

Portugal’s emergence as an oasis of stability in troubled Europe has surprised many who feared Costa’s coalition deal with the radical left would trigger a clash with Lisbon’s commitment to eurozone fiscal rules.

So far he’s managed to juggle competing demands. The government has raised pensions, reversed public sector salary cuts, halted planned privatizations and is phasing out austerity era taxes, while — just about — avoiding punishment from Brussels.

Costa’s been helped by positive economic news. After years of lagging behind, Portugal’s economy grew faster than any other in the European Union over the third quarter, according to Eurostat data released November 15. Unemployment is at a five-year low. Exports and investment are recovering.

Meanwhile, booming tourism, the national soccer team’s Euro 2016 victory and former Prime Minister António Guterres’ ascension to secretary-general of the United Nations have combined to lift the gloom clouding the national mood since the eurozone crisis hit in 2009.

Even the landslide election victory of the opposition-backed center-right candidate in Portugal’s presidential elections in January has played into Costa’s hands.

The hyperactive, crowd-hugging former TV pundit President Marcelo Rebelo de Sousa has a largely ceremonial role, but he is wildly popular and has developed a back-slapping cohabitation with his Socialist prime minister that has boosted Costa’s centrist credentials.

“Voters who really didn’t trust António Costa a year ago have become rather attached to him,” said Nuno Garoupa of Lisbon’s Católica Global School of Law. “Centrist voters who didn’t like the way he campaigned, or his coalition with the Communists and the Bloc, are now prepared to say that António Costa has qualities.”

In contrast, the opposition Social Democratic Party (PSD) has looked rudderless since Costa outmaneuvered it by building the left-wing coalition that came to power last year. The party has been unable to shed its association with much-maligned austerity and former Prime Minister Pedro Passos Coelho has the lowest popularity rating of any party leader.

There are murmurings of revolt against him within the party that are sure to grow louder if the polls don’t show a change ahead of municipal elections across the country next September.

Some in the party, however, believe economic pressures mean Costa’s popularity will be short lived. “The prime minister is painting an illusionary picture of the real state of the country,” said Hugo Soares, deputy leader of the PSD faction in parliament. “The government has no strategy. They are making up policy as they go along. There are no structural reforms at all. The economy is facing stagnation.”

The PSD scored a rare success last week when it temporarily teamed up with the government’s radical Left Bloc supporters to secure a parliamentary demand that top management at the state-owned Caixa Geral de Depósitos bank disclose their assets.

That helped trigger the resignation of Chief Executive António Domingues and other CGD board members. Domingues was appointed by Costa in August after months of negotiations to lead a restructuring of Portugal’s biggest lender. The resignations have plunged into doubt a €5 billion recapitalization plan for the troubled bank that’s seen as essential to efforts to stabilize the country’s fragile financial sector.

The frailty of its banking sector leaves Portugal vulnerable to external shocks.
Analysts are worried. Canada’s DBRS ratings agency warned it was considering a downgrade of the banking group. It said the resignations could undermine the restructuring plan, by posing “further challenges for the group to return to profitability, reduce asset quality problems and improve investor confidence.”

The frailty of its banking sector leaves Portugal vulnerable to external shocks. Its debt at 129 percent of gross domestic product — around €232 billion — is the eurozone’s third highest after Greece and Italy. Even if Costa’s government hits its 1.5 percent growth target for next year, it will do little to lighten the burden.

Doubts about the European economy, heightened by Brexit, the impact of the incoming Donald Trump administration in the U.S. and Sunday’s referendum in Italy, have been pushing up the interest Portugal must pay on its debts. That’s a worrying echo of the crisis that pushed the country into an international bailout in 2011.

Last week, Costa claimed to have restored the country to “tranquility and normality.”


Unless he can head off the financial threats, the restoration looks precarious.

The Italian movement that could remake Europe


The Italian movement that could remake Europe
5Star has never looked as close to power as it does today.

By JACOPO BARIGAZZI 12/1/16, 5:30 AM CET Updated 12/1/16, 7:38 AM CET

FLORENCE — Before there was Brexit or Donald Trump, there was Italy’s 5Star Movement.

Ever since it burst onto the scene in 2013, at the height of the euro crisis, the anti-establishment, Euroskeptic political party has served as the country’s largest, and loudest, opposition group, stubbornly defying predictions of a collapse in support. Recent polls put it as Italy’s second most popular party, close behind Prime Minister Matteo Renzi’s Democratic Party.

The party’s enduring popularity has many in the European political establishment worried about the Continent’s future. And possibly for good reason. The 5Star Movement is calling for a referendum on Italy’s membership in the eurozone and the renegotiation of the country’s staggering public debt — moves that could roil the global economy and reignite the euro crisis, likely leading to the dissolution of the single currency zone and perhaps the European Union.

Whatever the outcome of Renzi’s constitutional referendum on December 4, one thing is clear: The 5Star Movement has never looked as close to power as it does today.

“I don’t understand why the Europe Union isn’t focusing on the reason it’s collapsing instead of worrying about a movement that, when it takes power, will ask citizens for their opinion on the single currency” — Alessandro Di Battista
Should Italians reject Renzi’s reforms, as polls suggest they will, the 5Star Movement will rack up a major victory ahead of elections in 2017 or 2018. Should the referendum pass, a new electoral law will come into effect favoring parties like the 5Star Movement that are reluctant to enter into power-sharing agreements. Securing a plurality of the vote would be enough to propel it into government — a reality seemingly acknowledged by Renzi, who has supported proposals that would modify the law to prevent such an occurrence.

The 5Star “is good at criticizing, but being constructive is another thing,” says Giacomo Vaciago, a former government adviser and an economics professor at Milan Catholic University. “If they were in government, it would be chaos.”

Referendum on the euro

When Alessandro Di Battista steps into Florence’s central square, he’s welcomed as a star. One elderly lady asks him why he’s not an actor. Tall, handsome and outspoken, the 38-year-old Italian parliamentarian is one of the 5Star Movement’s three most prominent figures.

The others are Luigi Di Maio, the 30-year-old vice president of the Italian parliament, and Beppe Grillo, an angry standup comedian who, before he founded the movement in 2009, was best known for holding “Go f–k yourself” rallies aimed at corruption in the Italian political establishment. Should the 5star Movement come to power, many in the party expect Di Battista to become the foreign minister.

Italian governments form and fall, usually with little impact on the country’s policies. After two-and-a-half-years in office, Renzi has already lasted more than twice as long as the average post-war prime minister. But a victory by the 5Star Movement would likely represent a sharp break with the past.

Speaking in front of a replica of Michelangelo’s David on one side of the square, Di Battista is unapologetic about the party’s desire to upset the existing European order. “I don’t understand why the Europe Union isn’t focusing on the reason it’s collapsing instead of worrying about a movement that, when it takes power, will ask citizens for their opinion on the single currency,” he says.

Holding referendums on international treaties, such as the one governing Italy’s membership in the eurozone, is currently banned by the Italian constitution. 5Star says it would change the law to accommodate its initiative. “Personally, I would vote for Italy exiting the monetary union,” adds Di Battista, who spent the summer touring the country on a scooter urging Italians to vote “No” in Renzi’s referendum. “A country that cannot control its own currency cannot implement independent fiscal and monetary policies.”

Polls indicate Italians would not vote to leave the eurozone, but even the prospect of a vote would likely cause markets to panic, putting pressure on the weaker economies of the eurozone. Also worrying the markets are the party’s proposals to renegotiate Italy’s debt burden, which at 132.5 percent of GDP is the second highest in the eurozone after Greece. “We want to sit at a table and talk about the debt, but calmly,” says Di Battista. “This has already been done in many countries in the recent years. It has been done in some Latin American countries.”

Change at the top

Until recently, the possibility of a 5Star government was all but inconceivable. After the political upheaval in the United Kingdom and the United States, many in Italy — and across the Continent — are taking a closer look at how the party operates.

The 5Star Movement doesn’t fit neatly into the traditional left-right division in Italian politics. The fight against corruption is its banner issue, with every headline of bribe-taking or fraud contributing to a bump in the polls. The party’s key initiatives — the “five stars” from which it takes its name — are protecting the environment, ensuring that common goods like water stay in public hands, making internet access a fundamental right and promoting sustainable development and sustainable transport. Anti-globalization is another important theme, and many in the party — Grillo in particular — have also taken a hard line against immigration.

The party fashions itself as a product of direct democracy, without a formal leadership and with important decisions determined by votes on its internet platform. The party’s inner workings have been far from transparent.

Before the 2013 election, the party was largely run by Grillo and the editor of his blog, Gianroberto Casaleggio, a tech guru who died after he suffered a stroke in April. For most of the past three years, Grillo has taken a back seat, allowing leaders like Di Battista and Di Maio to represent the party. The two men were part of a five-member leadership committee — until September, when Grillo took back the reins after reports of clashes within the party.

Di Maio “was thinking to be a primus inter pares,” says Marco Canestrari, a former close associate of Grillo who is now one of the party’s most prominent critics. “But then when the others realized that he was acting on his own, organizing meetings on his own, following his own agenda, the others started waging war against him.”

Open to Moscow

Critics of the party accuse Grillo of ignoring the membership on many important decisions. This year, for example, Grillo brushed off a vote by the party membership in favor of supporting civil unions for gay couples, telling lawmakers that they were free to vote their conscience.

The referendum on the euro is not in the official party program. Neither is the party’s stance toward Russia. Initially, some members of the movement expressed fears that Russian President Vladimir Putin would censor the internet. But after the Russian invasion of Crimea, Grillo softened the party’s tone, noting that Viktor Yanukovich, the Kremlin-friendly president who fled Ukraine after a popular uprising, had been democratically elected.

Last week, at the European Parliament, where the party’s representatives sit in the same group as the United Kingdom Independence Party, 5Star MEPs voted against a motion urging action against Russian “hostile propaganda.”

“We are against a vision that says the Russia is evil and the U.S. is good,” says Vito Crimi, a 5Star lawmaker in Rome.

The party’s Russia policy is evidence, says Nicola Biondo, a critic of the party who once headed their communication strategy in the lower chamber, that the real power lies with a small group of people. “Who decided to support Putin?” he says, noting that the party’s official program doesn’t say a single word on foreign policy. That absence, he adds, is evidence that foreign affairs is a subject that “cannot be touched because it is decided in secret rooms.”

This fuzziness on policy makes it difficult to predict how the party would govern should it come to power. “They have not created a real leadership,” says Federico Pizzarotti, who was elected mayor of Parma as a member of the party, but has since left it. “There are no experts involved, and they don’t have a structure to govern should they take victory into their hands.”


As much as Italian media might speculate on who would lead a 5Star government, Di Battista insists that the movement does not yet have a plan on possible ministers. “We have not thought about it,” he says. “We’ve been focused on our program. But when elections are called, we will present our governing team ahead of the contest.”

Meltdown at the European Parliament


Meltdown at the European Parliament
The ‘grand coalition’ has imploded. Prepare for weeks of distraction and legislative paralysis.

By DAVID M. HERSZENHORN AND MAÏA DE LA BAUME 12/1/16, 5:11 AM CET Updated 12/1/16, 7:45 AM CET

The carefully calibrated “grand coalition” of Europe’s dominant political parties, which EU leaders have relied on to sustain their agenda and to manage a series of crises since 2014, this week imploded amid the collapse of a power-sharing deal in the European Parliament and the start of a bruising fight over the Parliament presidency.

The rupture cast a shadow of uncertainty over Brussels, raising the prospect of weeks of distraction and legislative paralysis, and leaving European Commission President Jean-Claude Juncker and European Council President Donald Tusk with little choice but to watch in dismay from the sidelines and brace for further turbulence.

The fragility of the coalition had been clear even before Parliament President Martin Schulz, a member of the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats (S&D), last week announced his plans to step down and return to Germany to run for a seat in the Bundestag. But the scope of disarray resulting from his departure is now coming into focus.

The power-sharing agreement had called for the presidency to pass next year from the S&D, the second-largest group in Parliament, to the center-right European People’s Party (EPP), the largest group, which also controls the Commission and the Council, through Juncker and Tusk.

But any hope of an orderly transition to fill the presidency evaporated Wednesday as Gianni Pittella, the Italian leader of the S&D, officially declared his candidacy for the top job, setting off a free-for-all among party leaders.

Guy makes his move

Belgian MEP Guy Verhofstadt, the leader of the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe (ALDE) — which could provide the decisive votes in an alliance with either the EPP or S&D — moved swiftly to increase his leverage by shoving aside French MEP Sylvie Goulard, an ALDE member who had sought to put herself forward as a compromise candidate, and making clear that he had his group’s backing to declare his own bid.

The ALDE MEPs gave Verhofstadt their unanimous support at a group meeting on Tuesday night and Goulard issued a statement Wednesday withdrawing.

Even if the EPP, led by German MEP Manfred Weber, ultimately is able to clinch the presidency, Pittella declared that the S&P would no longer participate in the “grand coalition” or “Große Koalition” as it is called in German, a nod to the German-speaking buddies — Juncker and Schulz — who were at its heart from the beginning.

“The compromise on which we based our legislative collaboration, which has been carried out in the past two years and a half, was broken — and not by us,” Pittella declared, in announcing his candidacy. “We think there should be a new phase with a new progressive agenda for the second half of the legislation.”

His comments seemed to promise a more combative posture by the S&D, particularly in fighting back against the German-led economic austerity policies that are a bane to countries across the Continent’s southern tier, not just Italy but also Greece, Spain and Portugal.

We had the impression that the EU was governed by a board of directors led by Juncker and Schulz” — Jean Arthuis, French MEP

“For us socialists, the grand coalition has never existed,” Pittella told POLITICO. “There has been legislative cooperation, borne out of the necessity to go ahead on parliamentary work.” He added: “The great coalition creates an obligation that on every legislative file we have to agree. But it didn’t happen like that because many times we and the EPP have voted differently.”

Pittella told reporters he was willing to work with all groups “except right-wing extremists” to win support for his candidacy and his new agenda. “We want new economic politics, put aside austerity, a new social agenda, a new development model,” he said.

MEPs from other parties also slammed the Große Koalition, which was held together in part by regular dinner meetings of the so-called G5: Juncker, Commission First Vice-President Frans Timmermans, Schulz, Weber and Pittella.

“We had the impression that the EU was governed by a board of directors led by Juncker and Schulz,” said Jean Arthuis, a French MEP from the ALDE group. “That had brought too much resentment and not enough debate in the Parliament.”

Whatever the resentments, the Große Koalition has been so central to Juncker’s effort to run a more political, accountable and top-down Commission that in recent months he had loudly expressed his support for Schulz to stay on as Parliament president for an unprecedented third term — despite the agreement calling for the presidency to be passed to the EPP, Juncker’s own party.

Juncker’s woes

For Juncker, the consequences of the coalition breakdown could be severe. On Wednesday, the Commission announced two ambitious new initiatives — a clean energy package and a proposal for stepped-up military cooperation – that could stall amid Parliamentary infighting.

In a recent interview with POLITICO, Juncker’s chief of staff, Martin Selmayr, explained the importance of the coalition — and Schulz — to carrying out the Commission’s agenda over its five-year term.

“In the European Union, we are going through a big crisis, many big crises,” Selmayr said. “And the mandate is five years. And if you want to get something done, you don’t change the team in the middle of it.”

“The team includes Donald Tusk, Martin Schulz,” Selmayr continued, noting they were both up for re-election. “The president of the Commission, therefore, who is here for five years, has an interest that his partners, with whom he has started to work well together — Martin Schulz in the Parliament and President Tusk in the European Council — that they stay the same because you get used to each other. And that is a matter of effectiveness. It’s also a matter of political balance because it’s important to have the balance with Martin Schulz who is the leading Social Democrat.”

That political balance has now gone up in smoke.

Verhofstadt, a former Belgian prime minister who has led ALDE since 2009 and who serves as the Parliament’s chief Brexit negotiator, seems to have little chance of winning the presidency but has already maneuvered aggressively to increase his leverage over the ultimate outcome — and to ratchet up his party’s influence.

One ALDE official acknowledged the power play. “Our priority is to get the most perfect agreement,” the official said. “We want to keep our leadership positions — at least a vice-presidency and maybe more.”

For now, at least, the third-largest group in the Parliament, the European Conservatives and Reformists (ECR), has chosen the Belgian MEP Helga Stevens as its candidate and ruled out supporting any rival conservative candidate from the EPP — its own maneuver to put a high price on any future alliance.

“The EPP is in danger of just assuming that we will fall behind their candidate,” an ECR official said, adding that the group didn’t appreciate Weber’s “attacks” against the U.K. government. “I could see them not voting at all,” the official said.

The ECR currently has Polish MEP Ryszard Czarnecki as a vice-president of the Parliament and British MEP Vicky Ford as chairwoman of the powerful Internal Market Committee. The official said the group wants to keep both of those posts.

Numbers game

Under parliamentary rules, to be elected president a candidate must win an absolute majority of the votes cast, which means 50 percent plus one. The Parliament is comprised of 751 members, so 376 votes are needed to win the presidency.

External political pressures make this a particularly bad moment for Brussels discord.
Currently, the EPP holds 216 seats, while the S&D has 189, the ECR has 74 and ALDE has 69. Smaller parties and non-affiliated MEPs make up the balance. Allegiances tend to break along party lines, but also nationally with Germany having 96 MEPs, followed by France with 74, and Italy and the U.K. with 73 each.

To be sure, the horse-trading has only just begun. And in the EU, dark clouds can suddenly give way to new sunlight. But external political pressures make this a particularly bad moment for Brussels discord.

Ahead of announcing his bid for the presidency, Pittella reached out to Socialist leaders across the Continent, including French President François Hollande and Italian Prime Minister Matteo Renzi, whose own political careers are deeply uncertain. Hollande seems certain to be defeated if he seeks re-election, while Renzi could resign if he loses a crucial constitutional referendum to be held Sunday.

With the 28 heads of state and government in the European Council increasingly pulled in different directions by conflicting political imperatives back home — not to mention the divisiveness of the U.K.’s vote to leave the bloc — the alliance between the Commission and the Parliament has been the key to advancing policy initiatives despite the turbulent atmosphere of rising nationalism and Euroskepticism.

At least part of the blame for the collapse of the coalition lies with Schulz, whose announcement that he would step down caught his own party completely by surprise. At the same time, the unfolding disarray only seems to confirm Schulz’s argument that he was crucially needed in the Parliament, even if it meant unraveling the previously agreed upon power-sharing agreement.

Schulz’s spokesman, Giacomo Fassina, acknowledged that the coalition was built on the friendship and professional trust between Juncker and Schulz.

“The close relationship between President Schulz and President Juncker is built both on personal and political affinity,” he said. “In practice, the relationship served as a functioning coalition in the European Parliament between the EPP and progressive forces and in the institutional domain between the Parliament and the Commission.”

Pittella also said Schulz had been the glue. “This compromise was also guaranteed by Martin Schulz’s presence at the European Parliament,” he said.


“For now, there won’t be any G5,” Pittella added. “For us, Martin Schulz was fundamental.”