House Votes to Rein In Trump on Iran War, in a
Bipartisan Rebuke
A measure to direct an end to U.S. engagement in
Iran was adopted with a handful of Republicans in support, sending a signal of
opposition to the president’s handling of the war.
Robert Jimison Megan Mineiro
By Robert Jimison and Megan Mineiro
Reporting from Washington
https://www.nytimes.com/2026/06/03/us/politics/house-vote-trump-iran-war-powers.html
Published June 3, 2026
Updated June 4, 2026, 3:40 a.m. ET
The House on Wednesday voted to direct President
Trump to withdraw U.S. forces from the conflict with Iran or win approval from
Congress to continue the war, after four Republicans sided with Democrats in a
striking sign of growing opposition to a military campaign now in its fourth
month.
Adoption of the resolution was a remarkable
rebuke to Mr. Trump and his handling of the conflict, after he has repeatedly
dismissed any effort by Congress to curb his power and as the G.O.P. has
largely ceded its prerogatives to do so, deferring to him time and again.
Republicans had abruptly postponed the vote two weeks ago, recognizing that
they did not have sufficient votes to defeat the measure and wanting to spare
themselves and the president the affront.
But they made no headway over the ensuing days in
winning converts, as the conflict has dragged on and Mr. Trump has made little
progress toward ending it. G.O.P. leaders were unable to delay the vote any
longer because Democrats had invoked the War Powers Resolution, which requires
consideration of such measures within a limited period of time.
The move was also the latest reflection of
divisions between Republicans in Congress and the president on a range of
issues as their interests diverge in the run-up to the midterm congressional
elections. It came after Senate Republicans have in recent days forced Mr.
Trump to abandon his request for $1 billion in security funding for his
ballroom project and a plan that the Justice Department announced to create a
federal fund to pay claimants who accuse the government of having victimized
them.
The vote was 215 to 208 to adopt the war powers
resolution, sending it to the Senate. Even if it were to pass both chambers,
the ability of lawmakers to force a president to withdraw troops remains a
contested legal question, and Mr. Trump and his senior aides have dismissed any
effort by Congress to limit his war powers as unconstitutional.
But the vote in the House, and a similar one in
the Senate last month when a handful of G.O.P. defectors broke from the
president and opposed the war, indicate an increasing willingness by some
members of the president’s party to pressure him to end a conflict that a
majority of Americans say is not worth the costs.
Republican Representatives Tom Barrett of
Michigan, Brian Fitzpatrick of Pennsylvania, Warren Davidson of Ohio and Thomas
Massie of Kentucky crossed party lines to vote with Democrats in favor of the
resolution. Representative Jared Golden, Democrat of Maine, who had previously
opposed similar measures, switched his position to support it.
Representative Gregory W. Meeks of New York, the
top Democrat on the Foreign Affairs Committee who led the measure, praised its
Republican supporters for standing up to a president who has in recent weeks
sought political retribution against members of his party who have bucked him,
including Mr. Massie.
Moments after the vote, he said the Republican
defectors “had the wherewithal to search within themselves to do the right
thing.”
Though the few defections were notable, almost
every Republican voted against the resolution. Most of them have accepted the
Trump administration’s claim that the initial operation had concluded and that
the most recent strikes in Iran were necessary acts of self-defense, arguing
that gave him full power as the commander in chief to order American troops to
respond.
Republican lawmakers in the House had been able
to maintain enough unity to ward off previous attempts to limit Mr. Trump’s
authority.
Moments before the vote, Speaker Mike Johnson
told reporters that passing the resolution would be a “very dangerous prospect”
and that it would “weaken” the president’s ability as commander in chief to
continue seeking a peaceful resolution to the conflict.
Earlier this week, however, Mr. Trump declared
that the pace of diplomatic talks through interlocutors as they seek to reach a
preliminary agreement was starting “to get very boring.”
Many have dismissed Democrats’ war powers
measures, which call for the removal of most U.S. forces from hostilities in
Iran, as politically motivated attacks on the president that would leave
American interests unprotected.
Democrats contended that members of both parties
must protect the role of Congress to determine when and how the country
undertakes prolonged combat operations overseas.
Mr. Davidson, who in March sided with Democrats
in favor of a war powers measure on Iran but later reversed himself as Mr.
Trump and party leaders applied intense pressure for Republicans to stay in
line, framed his decision to vote with Democrats again on Wednesday again as a
call for Congress to be involved in outlining a plan that would allow the
operation to succeed.
“Define the mission. Authorize the mission.
Accomplish the mission,” he said in a brief statement following his vote.
Mr. Barrett, a first-term Republican facing a
competitive re-election race, similarly argued that the time for the president
to act alone had expired and Congress needed more of a say.
“My support of this resolution tonight is
consistent with my belief that it is time for Congress to decide the scope of
the mission and the appropriate limits on the use of force in Iran,” he said in
a statement.
The House’s vote was only the first step in a
complicated and likely uphill path for the resolution. It now heads to the
Senate, which under the war powers law must take it up within roughly two and a
half weeks. It does not need a presidential signature, but even if Congress
were to clear the measure, its legal force would remain uncertain.
While Congress has historically deployed
concurrent resolutions to express its position on an issue without requiring
presidential approval, the Supreme Court held in 1983 that in order for
congressional actions to have binding legal effect, they must go through the
standard legislative process, including being presented to the president to be
signed into law.
That means any attempt to make the directive to
withdraw U.S. forces in Iran legally enforceable would almost certainly require
Mr. Trump’s signature, or have two-thirds of both chambers vote to override a
veto.
The Senate is pursuing a parallel track. Last
month, four Republicans and all but one Democrat voted to advance a separate
war powers resolution toward a full floor vote, but that effort faces
procedural hurdles of its own.
But while the practical odds of either measure
forcing an end to the war remain slim, the action in both chambers amounted to
a notable reproach of the president’s handling of the conflict.
Democrats have argued that even symbolic
congressional action could pressure Mr. Trump to alter course by signaling
growing bipartisan discomfort with a longer war.
“Congress has followed the Constitution today,”
Mr. Meeks said. “Democrats and Republicans said ‘Enough is enough.’ The
Constitution says only Congress can determine when we go to war.”
Robert Jimison covers Congress for The Times,
with a focus on defense issues and foreign policy.
Megan Mineiro is a Times congressional reporter
and a member of the 2025-26 Times Fellowship class, a program for early-career
journalists.


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