Trump Is
Threatening Europe With Tariffs. Is It Ready?
The incoming
president promised “tariffs all the way” unless Europe bought more U.S. oil and
gas. European officials have no clear strategy for avoiding a trade war.
Jim Tankersley Jenny GrossLiz AldermanMelissa Eddy
By Jim TankersleyJenny GrossLiz Alderman and Melissa Eddy
Reporting from Washington, Brussels, Paris and Berlin
Dec. 20, 2024, 3:18 a.m. ET
https://www.nytimes.com/2024/12/20/world/europe/europe-trump-tariffs.html
President-elect Donald J. Trump’s threats of tariffs on
allies and adversaries alike have unsettled companies and governments across
Europe, setting off a scramble for what they fear could be a trans-Atlantic
trade war.
Their nascent plans, including a closely guarded effort at
the top levels of the European Commission, appear to be more proactive than
what they were the first time Mr. Trump took office. But any attempt to form a
united front on trade could be hampered by the sclerotic politics across much
of Europe.
The French and German governments both collapsed this month.
Austria and Belgium are struggling to form governing coalitions long after
their most recent elections.
And no clear consensus has emerged on how to respond to
whatever Mr. Trump might have in store. Divisions are already emerging between
officials who favor a strategy of retaliation if he tries to impose new taxes
on European exports and those who favor negotiation.
In a post on Truth Social early Friday, Mr. Trump said he
had “told the European Union that they must make up their tremendous deficit
with the United States by the large scale purchase of our oil and gas.
Otherwise, it is TARIFFS all the way!!!”
Economists warn that trade wars generally hurt all parties
involved, clogging the exchange of goods and services and reducing economic
growth. But the weakness of Europe’s economy since the start of the pandemic —
and the political turmoil — could leave it particularly vulnerable to damage
now.
In this year’s presidential campaign, Mr. Trump said he
would impose a new tax of 10 or 20 percent on all imports to the United States,
regardless of their origin. Along with the vague threats to target Europe on
Friday, he also issued direct warnings for Mexico, Canada, China and several
emerging-market countries since his election.
Any such tariffs would endanger what is effectively the
largest trading relationship for both the United States and the European Union,
which traded more than $1.5 trillion in goods and services in 2023. Last year,
the United States had a trade deficit with Europe, importing slightly more from
the countries than it exported to them. Europe is already one of the biggest
buyers of liquefied natural gas from the United States, which is the world’s
largest supplier.
During the first Trump administration, Mr. Trump imposed
tariffs on steel and aluminum from European countries, pledging to reduce the
trade deficit. Instead, the gap grew.
As Mr. Trump threatens new tariffs around the world,
executives and political leaders across Europe also worry about absorbing
aftershocks of any escalation in trade tensions between the United States and
China. Those could divert a wave of low-cost exports from U.S. stores to those
in Europe.
Officials in Brussels and national Parliaments are beginning
to brainstorm possible retaliation or alternate strategies that do not involve
taxing Americans.
The early effort within the European Commission, the
administrative arm of the European Union, includes analyses of what impact
certain tariffs would have on different European countries and sectors,
according to a senior European diplomat, who spoke on condition of anonymity
given the political sensitivity of the conversation. The group is discussing
what American products to potentially target for tariffs in retaliation.
But the discussions are preliminary, as are similar
preparations in Berlin and elsewhere. That’s largely because Mr. Trump’s trade
plans remain opaque.
European Commission trade officials have not communicated
with member states about a possible response, in part out of fear of appearing
to want to proactively impose tariffs on America, said three European diplomats
who spoke on the condition of anonymity given the sensitivities.
One theory is that the European Commission could act as it
did during the first Trump administration in 2018, when it implemented
retaliatory tariffs on $3.2 billion of goods made by companies in areas where
Mr. Trump had strong support. That included tariffs on motorcycles by
Harley-Davidson, based in Wisconsin, and on other products including bourbon,
playing cards and orange juice.
Ignacio García Bercero, a former trade director at the
European Commission, said officials should offer to increase imports from the
United States, especially in energy and defense, as part of negotiations with
Mr. Trump to avoid tariffs. At the same time, the European Union also needs to
be ready to implement retaliatory tariffs.
“Any strategy needs to include both elements,” said Mr.
García Bercero, a fellow at Bruegel, a research firm in Brussels. “Otherwise we
would not be credible in a negotiation.”
European officials have already floated a plan to increase
imports from the United States, including of liquefied natural gas, to placate
Mr. Trump. Christine Lagarde, the president of the European Central Bank,
suggested a similar move in late November and warned against retaliatory
tariffs.
Another idea is to appeal directly to Mr. Trump’s top team
about how European companies have U.S. factories and to explain how any tariffs
could force them to shrink their U.S. workforces, said two European diplomats
speaking on the condition of anonymity given the sensitivity of the subject
matter. Although German officials and business leaders tried that approach
during Mr. Trump’s first administration, it did very little to protect them
from his tariffs.
European companies are already weighing whether to shift
production or parts of their supply chain, while pressing for a continental
response to kick-start their competitiveness.
Patrick Martin, the president of Medef, France’s biggest
business trade group, said that French exporters were looking at ways to
protect themselves from higher tariffs that could make it harder to compete in
America or with Chinese rivals.
“We are obviously not indifferent to the announcements of
Donald Trump and his team,” he said. “Europe must not bow down but assert its
power and capabilities.”
Mr. Martin said that the reaction of French companies to
tariffs would differ depending on their sector and size. Thirty-eight of the
largest 40 French companies have production facilities in both Mexico and the
United States, including automakers like Stellantis and Renault-Nissan, the
cosmetics giant L’Oréal and the Danone food group. Some could try to shift
production to the United States, a move that would dovetail with Mr. Trump’s
stated goal for tariffs.
The French company Airbus, the largest commercial airplane
manufacturer, which has a plant in South Carolina and works with suppliers in
Mexico, said last month that it would pass along any new tariff costs to its
airline customers.
Others in France, such as producers of Burgundy wine, can’t
move production to the United States and will bear the brunt of any tariffs,
Mr. Martin said.
Christian Diemer, a top official of the German trade group
BDI who owns a business making special screws in Ohio and in Europe, said that
he was more concerned about American tariffs on China. If U.S. tariffs pushed a
new wave of Chinese products toward Europe, it would further hurt European
companies already struggling with energy prices that are two or three times as
high as they are in the United States, he said.
Some executives are betting that a strong U.S. dollar would
offset the impact of tariffs on European goods. When the dollar’s value is high
compared with other currencies, Americans are able to buy more easily imported
goods, which effectively become cheaper.
Others are hoping that if Mr. Trump imposes tariffs, they
may be able to negotiate exemptions.
Mostly, business groups are warning their members to brace
for what could be ahead.
“Companies need to be proactive and run through different
scenarios for their business planning — now,” the Chamber of Commerce and
Industry for Munich and Upper Bavaria, in Germany, recently told its members.
Jim Tankersley writes about economic policy at the White
House and how it affects the country and the world. He has covered the topic
for more than a dozen years in Washington, with a focus on the middle class.
More about Jim Tankersley
Jenny Gross is a reporter for The Times covering Europe and
other topics. More about Jenny Gross
Liz Alderman is the chief European business correspondent,
writing about economic, social and policy developments around Europe. More
about Liz Alderman
Melissa Eddy is based in Berlin and reports on Germany’s
politics, businesses and its economy. More about Melissa Eddy
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