If Trump
Wins, Here’s Why
Donald J.
Trump came into the race with extraordinary baggage. If he wins, here’s what
analysts will say about how he overcame it.
Adam
Nagourney
By Adam
Nagourney
Nov. 4, 2024
https://www.nytimes.com/2024/11/04/us/politics/if-trump-wins-heres-why.html
Former
President Donald J. Trump came into Election Day with a fervent base of
supporters and the experience of having already run for president twice. He
also came with felony convictions and large numbers of voters who viewed him
unfavorably.
He was, in
short, a candidate weighed down by extraordinary baggage. But Mr. Trump drove
past that, presenting himself to an electorate that was eager for change and
unhappy with the direction of the country under President Biden and Vice
President Kamala Harris.
Here’s what
analysts will most likely be saying should he win. (And here’s a similar look
at a Harris victory.)
A sour mood
By a
decisive margin, voters thought the country was heading in the wrong direction
— 74 percent said so, in an ABC/Ipsos poll released on Sunday morning. Since
1980, that one statistic, the number of voters who think the nation is heading
in the wrong direction, has been a surefire predictor that the party in power
would lose the White House.
Should he
win, Mr. Trump will have succeeded in saddling Ms. Harris with President
Biden’s record. And he will have appealed to voters’ unease with his dark talk
about the state of the nation, and with his gauzy recollections of the
supposedly better days when he was president.
The economy
— or rather public perceptions of the economy — show just how uneasy voters
are. Prices climbed just 2.1 percent in September over a year earlier, and the
economy grew a vigorous 2.8 percent in the last quarter. But 75 percent of
voters said the economy was in bad shape in a New York Times/Siena College poll
in October.
And when the
final pre-Election Day jobs report from the Labor Department showing anemic
growth in employment, largely because of hurricanes and a major labor strike,
Mr. Trump pounced. “That brand-new jobs report proves decisively that Kamala
Harris and Crooked Joe have driven our economy off the cliff,” Mr. Trump said
at a rally in Michigan last week.
Immigration
Mr. Trump
returned to the issue that has defined his political brand: the threat and
disorder posed by illegal immigration. His advertisements included
black-and-white images depicting immigrants racing across the border or
marauding on city streets. He called for the death penalty for migrants who
kill law enforcement officers. “The suburbs are under attack,” he said in
Virginia on Saturday.
He seized on
the large numbers of migrants who showed up in cities far from the southern
border during the campaign, as well as on reports of crimes committed by
migrants — often wildly distorting those reports — to exaggerate the sense that
voters could soon find themselves besieged in their own communities. In the
final New York Times/Siena College national poll of the campaign, 15 percent of
respondents said immigration was the most important issue in deciding their
vote. The economy was the top issue, named by 27 percent of respondents.
The
candidate
A Trump
victory would be testimony to the deep and intense affection that Mr. Trump
enjoys among a large swath of the electorate. His campaign was anything but
error-free.
But as he
has managed to do throughout his time in politics, he repeatedly survived the
kind of setbacks — his debate thrashing by Ms. Harris, for instance, and his
Madison Square Garden rally in which a comedian denigrated Puerto Rico, Black
voters, Jews and Palestinians — that would have sunk almost any other
candidate.
He
frequently claimed to be defying his own advisers, throwing away prepared
speeches to talk about the “enemies within” or Liz Cheney. If that frustrated
his advisers, it clearly delighted — and entertained — his supporters. And if
he wins, it will likely mean that it did not turn off swing voters.
Gender
A Trump
victory would be his second out of three bids for president. In both wins, he
will have defeated a woman, suggesting again that many voters have trouble
envisioning a woman in the Oval Office.
It may be
hard to prove that Ms. Harris lost specifically because of sexism. But gender
is playing a major role in how Americans vote this year.
The final
New York Times/Siena College poll, taken at the end of October, found Mr. Trump
leading Ms. Harris among men, 55 percent to 41 percent. Mr. Trump’s swaggering,
uninhibited style, along with his promises of a booming economy, had particular
resonance with Black and Latino men. That helped him chip away at a vital part
of the Democratic base.
Transgender
people as scapegoats
Mr. Trump
has tapped into anger and grievance throughout his political career. That was
particularly effective this year amid the perception, even among many
Democrats, that the party had gone too far to the left on some cultural issues.
Chief among those was transgender rights.
Mr. Trump
often, and falsely, suggested that children were going off to school and
returning home having had gender-altering surgery without their parents’
knowledge or consent. Once his campaign found video clips in which Ms. Harris,
as California’s attorney general, took positions on what he presented as the
woke side of these issues, he and his allies spent millions putting those
statements in front of voters.
A month
before the election, Mr. Trump and Republican groups had spent $65 million on
advertisement focusing on trans issues, according to a New York Times analysis
of advertising data compiled by the media-tracking firm AdImpact.
Adam
Nagourney is a national political reporter for The Times, covering the 2024
campaign. More about Adam Nagourney
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