Europe’s
Trumpian nightmare
The return
of the disrupter-in-chief would further destabilize an already weakened
continent.
November 4,
2024 4:01 am CET
By Tim Ross,
Clea Caulcutt, Jürgen Klöckner and Hannah Roberts
The American
people may be about to rip up the Western alliance, again. This time could be a
whole lot worse.
Ahead of a
United States presidential election that’s too close to call, top officials in
European capitals are scrambling to prepare for Donald Trump’s return to the
White House.
Political
analysts and pollsters working for governments across the continent
increasingly see the Republican former president as poised for one of the most
startling comebacks in history.
Nobody
thinks the Democratic Party nominee, Vice President Kamala Harris, doesn’t have
a chance, but her election would largely be a continuation of the status quo.
A Trump win
would send a tsunami of panic across a largely rudderless continent already
struggling to navigate the two wars on its periphery.
Yes, the
European Union has already survived one Trump presidency; some leaders would
even argue it emerged stronger because of it.
But in
European capitals, a consensus is building: A return of the disrupter-in-chief
would embolden Russian President Vladimir Putin, potentially trigger a
destructive trade war and inflame political divisions across the continent.
Not only is
Europe particularly weak at the moment, with a stuttering economy and
struggling leaders in Germany and France; it would be a different Trump who
would rock up at NATO summits and international gatherings from the 2016-20
version.
For one,
he’d be unshackled by the U.S. officials who sought to restrain him during his
first term. For another, the president who once referred to the EU as one of
America’s “biggest foes” would likely be looking across the Atlantic with a
serious chip on his shoulder.
“A second
Trump term would be different,” said Leslie Vinjamuri, U.S. and Americas
program director at Chatham House, a British think tank. “He now knows who he
feels has wronged him both on the international stage and at home and has
worked out with the team around him some plans for how to cut them off at the
knees.”
Emboldened
Putin
After
Trump’s first election in 2016, European leaders could comfort themselves that,
whatever was happening across the Atlantic, the continent itself was an island
of stability, safe under the guiding hand of the powerful German Chancellor
Angela Merkel.
This time
around, European leadership is largely absent. Merkel’s successor Olaf Scholz
is barely keeping his coalition together, while French President Emmanuel
Macron has been shrunk to a figurehead by an emboldened far right.
Meanwhile,
the region around Europe is burning. Wars in Ukraine and the Middle East are
occupying leaders’ attention and draining Western military and financial
resources. Without continued backing from Washington, there are serious
questions about how much longer Ukraine will be able to hold out against
Putin’s forces.
In London,
Keir Starmer’s new government worries that Trump will pull the rug out from
beneath Volodymyr Zelenskyy, cutting military aid to Kyiv or making it
conditional on immediate peace talks that would cede territory to Moscow.
Trump’s
promise to end the war in Ukraine within 24 hours of taking power is being
taken with similar seriousness in other European capitals. “Aid could stop
overnight,” said one European diplomat. “Putin will want to take advantage of
it and say I’m taking the Donbas, Crimea and then I’ll bide my time before next
time.”
That next
time, the worry goes, could be a Russian attack on a country like Estonia,
Lithuania or Latvia — all members of the EU and NATO — as Putin seeks to test
Trump’s already lukewarm commitment to NATO and the military alliance’s mutual
defense provisions.
France has
seized on the possibility of a Trump presidency to urge other European
countries to boost their military capabilities. “We cannot let the voters in
Wisconsin decide on European security,” France’s Europe Minister Benjamin
Haddad told POLITICO.
Haddad said
France would work with whoever wins the U.S. election on Tuesday, but insisted
Europe needed to urgently think of how to navigate a world in which Washington
could no longer be counted upon. “It’s our European security,” Haddad said. “We
need to be capable of supporting [the Ukrainians] whatever the result.”
The trouble
is that European leaders — including in France — have been making the case for
tooling up their militaries for the past two years. And yet, apart from Poland,
few have carried through with actually doing it.
Trade war
fears
A second
European preoccupation is that Trump will reignite a transatlantic trade war.
He has threatened to slap 10 percent to 20 percent tariffs on all imports to
the U.S. to bring manufacturing jobs back home — and while Beijing remains the
focus of his ire, he has plenty of spite to go around. Last week, Trump called
the EU a “mini China.”
Top European
trade officials recently told the EU’s ambassadors that they will be ready to
react to potential trade disputes if necessary. In London, too, the risk of a
reignited trade war is also playing on the minds of Starmer’s team. Like their
European counterparts, British officials are working on contingency plans if
Trump wins and decides to follow through on his tariff threats.
Trump has
proposed a 100 percent tariff on all imported vehicles, which would be
disastrous news for countries with significant auto industries. The German
economy, for example, which is already struggling, would suffer a -0.23 percent
hit to gross domestic product as a result of Trump’s trade policies, according
to a study published by the London School of Economics (LSE).
“These
tariffs will impact the American economy, not just Chinese and European
sectors, so Donald Trump [plowing] ahead with these policies if elected would
be awful for economies across the globe,” study author Aurélien Saussay, from
the LSE’s Grantham Research Institute on Climate Change and the Environment,
said.
The
antagonism triggered by a trade war wouldn’t only have an economic impact. When
it comes to security, London has traditionally been one of Washington’s closest
allies. But political tensions are already on display.
Relations
between Trump and Starmer’s new center-left government are already in trouble.
The Republican slammed Starmer’s “far left” Labour Party for sending activists
to campaign for Harris in the election, claiming it amounted to foreign
interference in American democracy. His campaign has filed a legal complaint
against the party alleging “foreign interference.”
Trump’s
record in the Middle East is another reason for Europeans to fret. In his first
term, he junked the Iran nuclear deal which was backed by Germany, France, the
EU and the United Kingdom.
“A second
Trump term would see a return of its policy of ‘maximum pressure’ on Iran,
which could include the possibility of direct strikes on Iran and targeted
assassinations,” according to analysis from the European Union Institute for
Security Studies. “Although the administration’s plan would be to re-establish
deterrence, the risk of a direct confrontation between Washington and Tehran
would increase.”
European
divisions
Then there’s
the pressure a second Trump presidency would put on Europe itself. In the U.S,
Trump is the most divisive politician of the age. He also splits European
governments from each other, a factor that will make coordinating any EU-wide
response on trade or security even harder for officials in Brussels.
Leaders in
London, Berlin and Paris might recoil from a Trump victory. But Europe’s
authoritarians and hard-right leaders like Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor
Orbán and Italy’s Giorgia Meloni will see it as a vindication of their
positions.
Orbán, who
broke with Europe’s other leaders by traveling to Moscow to visit Putin last
summer, has been a regular at Trump-dominated gatherings of ultraconservatives
in the U.S. That’s led some to speculate that he might be happy to quickly
extend his congratulations to the former U.S. president even if the election
result is far from clear.
As for
Meloni, her allies in Rome say she’d be perfectly placed to act as Europe’s new
Trump whisperer.
Andrea Di
Giuseppe, the member of the Italian parliament representing Italians in North
America and a member of Meloni’s Brothers of Italy party, said a Trump victory
would be welcomed by Rome.
“If
President Trump needs an intermediary with Europe, who better than Giorgia
Meloni?” Di Giuseppe said. “She has been Trumpist since the first hour.”
Even in
Germany, some are seeing opportunity in a Trump victory. It’s not a positive
one, however. Senior figures within the government privately admit that
Chancellor Scholz’s coalition would be more likely to break up if Harris wins.
That’s
because the prospect of Trump back in the White House would be such a threat to
global political stability that all three governing coalition parties would
have to think again before breaking up their alliance.
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