Why Pelosi’s Proposed Taiwan Visit Is Raising
U.S.-China Tensions
Beijing has issued strongly worded warnings implying
that China might use military force if Nancy Pelosi moves forward with a
planned trip to Taiwan.
Jane Perlez
By Jane
Perlez
Published
July 29, 2022
Updated
July 30, 2022
阅读简体中文版閱讀繁體中文版
https://www.nytimes.com/2022/07/29/world/asia/china-taiwan-pelosi-explained.html
Taiwan, an island of 23 million people 80 miles off
the coast of China, has long been a point of tension between Washington and
Beijing. Now those tensions are at a new high.
House
Speaker Nancy Pelosi set off from California on Saturday to begin a tour of
several Asian nations that may include a stop in Taiwan. Ms. Pelosi would be
the highest level American official to go to the island since 1997 when Newt
Gingrich made a visit.
China
claims Taiwan, a self-governing island democracy, as its territory, and has
vowed to take it back, by force if necessary. In his call with President Biden
on Thursday, China’s leader, Xi Jinping, sharply warned the United States
against intervening in the dispute. Beijing has vigorously protested Ms.
Pelosi’s potential trip there, warning of unspecified consequences for the
United States.
Its
warnings have reverberated through the Pentagon, and the Indo-Pacific Command
in Hawaii, where American military officials have been tasked with protecting
Ms. Pelosi, as well as assessing what China could do militarily in response to
her visit. Taiwan, the world’s leading producer of semiconductors, is also
vulnerable to stepped-up economic pressure from Beijing.
Here is a
look at the issues around Ms. Pelosi’s proposed visit.
China’s
leader has long set his sights on Taiwan.
China’s
authoritarian leader, Xi Jinping, has made it clearer than any of his
predecessors that he sees unifying Taiwan with China to be a primary goal of
his rule.
Mr. Xi is
expected to be confirmed to an unprecedented third term as leader at a
Communist Party congress in the fall. Ahead of that all-important political
meeting, Mr. Xi will be keen to project an image of strength at home and
abroad, particularly on the question of Taiwan.
Last month,
Mr. Xi dispatched his defense minister, Gen. Wei Fenghe, to an international
conference in Singapore, where Mr. Wei warned that China would not hesitate to
fight for Taiwan.
“If anyone
dares to split off Taiwan, we will not hesitate to fight, will not flinch from
the cost and will fight to the very end,” General Wei told his audience.
The timing
of when Mr. Xi might try to absorb Taiwan remains a question of huge debate
among military and civilian experts on China, but it is not expected to be
imminent.
“China does
want Taiwan ‘back’ badly, but that does not mean it wants an early bloody war
that would destroy China’s economic miracle,” William H. Overholt, a senior
research fellow at Harvard’s Kennedy School, wrote in the current issue of
Global Asia.
In a fiery
speech at the 100th anniversary of the founding of the Chinese Communist Party
last year, Mr. Xi stressed the need for the mainland’s unification with Taiwan,
which he called “a historic mission and an unshakable commitment of the
Communist Party of China.”
Taiwan is
the single biggest flash-point in U.S.-China relations.
China’s
incursions into airspace and waters near Taiwan have become more aggressive in
the past several years, heightening the risk of conflict.
In June,
Beijing upped the stakes when the foreign ministry declared that China had
jurisdiction over the Taiwan Strait and that it could not be considered an
international waterway.
And in the
past year, Chinese military planes have increasingly probed the airspace near
Taiwan, prompting Taiwanese fighter jets to scramble.
Some
American analysts have made it clear that China’s military capabilities have
grown to the point where an American victory in defense of Taiwan is no longer
guaranteed.
Oriana
Skylar Mastro, a fellow at Stanford University’s Freeman Spogli Institute for
International Studies, recently outlined the array of weaponry China has
amassed for a fight over Taiwan in a commentary published in The New York
Times.
China now
has the world’s largest navy, and the United States could throw far fewer ships
into a Taiwan conflict, she said. “China’s missile force is also thought to be
capable of targeting ships at sea to neutralize the main U.S. tool of power
projection, aircraft carriers.”
Earlier
this week, the Seventh Fleet ordered the U.S.S. Ronald Reagan aircraft carrier
and its strike group to sail from Singapore north toward the South China Sea,
and in the direction of Taiwan. A Navy spokesperson declined to say whether the
carrier would be sailing in the vicinity of Taiwan or sailing through the
Taiwan Strait.
Taiwan is a
political minefield for Washington.
Ms. Pelosi
has placed President Biden in an awkward position. She and her staff insist
that the speaker, as the leader of a separate but coequal branch of American
government, has the right to go anywhere she desires.
For his
part, Mr. Biden does not want to be seen as dictating where the speaker can
travel. He has signaled that he questions the wisdom of the potential trip.
“I think
that the military thinks it’s not a good idea right now,” Mr. Biden said.
In an
intentionally ambiguous diplomatic arrangement adopted when Washington
recognized Communist ruled China in 1979, the United States maintains a “one
China” policy that acknowledges, but does not endorse, the Chinese position
that Taiwan is part of China.
President
Biden has said three times, most recently in May, that the United States would
deploy force to help Taiwan against a Chinese invasion. On each occasion, the
White House walked back his statements, saying the policy of “strategic
ambiguity” remained, under which Washington remains vague as to how forcefully
the United States would come to Taiwan’s aid.
The United
States maintains robust diplomatic relations with China, with a big embassy in
Beijing and four consulates around the country. But relations are at a low over
military, economic and ideological competition between the two countries.
The current
ambassador to Beijing, R. Nicholas Burns, is one of America’s most experienced
diplomats. In Taiwan, the United States keeps a representative office, the
American Institute in Taiwan, headed by a low-profile official from the State
Department. At the same time, Washington supplies Taiwan with billions of
dollars in military aid and weapons.
Ms. Pelosi
has a history of poking China in the eye.
The speaker
is a longstanding critic of China. In Beijing, she is viewed as hostile.
As a
two-term congresswoman from California, Ms. Pelosi visited Beijing in 1991, two
years after Chinese troops opened fire on student protesters around Tiananmen
Square, killing hundreds if not thousands.
Accompanied
to the square by several congressional colleagues and a small group of
reporters, Ms. Pelosi unfurled a banner commemorating the dead students. The
banner read: “To Those Who Died for Democracy in China.”
Mike
Chinoy, then a correspondent for CNN, recalled in an article this week how Ms.
Pelosi then left the square in a taxi. Police arrested the reporters, detaining
them for a couple of hours, he wrote.
Ms. Pelosi
is a strong supporter of the Dalai Lama and the rights of Tibetans. In 2015,
with official permission from the Chinese government, Ms. Pelosi visited Lhasa,
the capital of Tibet, on a tightly controlled trip that is usually off limits
to foreign officials and journalists.
The
speaker’s plans for a Taiwan trip attracted some unlikely backers. Senior
officials in the Trump administration, including the former secretary of state,
Mike Pompeo, and the former secretary of defense, Mark Esper, said they would
like to join her. Mr. Pompeo tweeted that he was banned in China, but would be
happy to accompany Ms. Pelosi to Taiwan.
Jane Perlez
was the Beijing bureau chief. She has served as bureau chief in Kenya, Poland,
Austria, Indonesia and Pakistan, and was a member of the team that won the 2009
Pulitzer Prize for reporting in Pakistan and Afghanistan. @JanePerlez
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