domingo, 2 de agosto de 2020

Germany: 18 officers injured dispersing Berlin rally against coronavirus curbs / Berlin protests for and against coronavirus restrictions as cases soar i...



The interior minister for the city of Berlin, Andreas Geisel, said on Friday that neo-Nazi organizations had also called for people to participate in the march. German media outlets noted that "Day of Freedom" was also the name of a Nazi propaganda film documenting the party's 1935 party congress in Nuremberg.

Germany: 18 officers injured dispersing Berlin rally against coronavirus curbs

Berlin police said that 18 of its officers were injured, while three were hospitalized in dispersing some 20,000 people protesting anti-pandemic measures. Many participants dismissed the coronavirus as a "false alarm."

"Thousands of covidiots celebrate themselves in Berlin as the 'second wave' with no distancing, no masks," she said. "They are not only jeopardizing our health, they are jeopardizing our achievements against the pandemic and the revival of the economy, education, and society."
Saskia Esken


At least 18 police officers were reportedly injured in Berlin on Saturday as they tried to break up a large gathering of people demonstrating against coronavirus restrictions, including the face mask requirement.

Three of the officers were being treated in hospital, Berlin police said on Twitter. It had deployed 1,100 officers to monitor the rally and disperse the crowd.

As German officials warn of soaring infection numbers, the protesters remain defiant. "The virus of freedom has reached Berlin," said one of the organizers, Michael Ballweg.

Others chanted: "We are the second wave," as they moved through the German capital.

Police estimated that around 17,000 marched through Berlin and a total of 20,000 attended the culmination of the event. Most of the participants were not wearing masks or observing social distancing.

They said they could not confirm the "an exorbitantly large number" of participants thrown around on Twitter, in a likely reference to organizers claiming 1.3 million people attended the rally.

Berlin Mayor Michael Müller also sharply criticized the protester saying they have not looked at the facts and thus risked the health of other people. He added that there was no vaccine or effective treatment yet and that the situation was not over.

'Our freedom is being stolen'
DW's Benjamin Alvarez reported the arrival of trucks bearing anti-masks slogans with drummers on board.

Some protesters carried a banner calling for the arrest of US billionaire Bill Gates, German Chancellor Angela Merkel, German Health Minister Jens Spahn, and others.

Spahn commented on the event, saying that "Yes, demonstrations must also be possible in the time of coronavirus, but not like this."

"Distancing, hygiene rules, and face masks serve to protect all of us," he wrote on Twitter.

Lawmaker Saskia Esken, one of the two leaders of the center-left SPD party, slammed the attendees as "covidiots."

"Thousands of covidiots celebrate themselves in Berlin as the 'second wave' with no distancing, no masks," she said. "They are not only jeopardizing our health, they are jeopardizing our achievements against the pandemic and the revival of the economy, education, and society."

Protest halted

Hours into the protest, however, plans to continue along a wide boulevard that runs through the park were shelved after a police complaint.

Berlin police said they had launched legal action against the organizer over "non-respect of hygiene rules."

The initial rally had only registered for 1,000 participants.

In the late afternoon, police used loudspeakers to order demonstrators to leave the area peacefully.

Officers also removed several organizers from the stage to shouts and boos from those attending the rally.

When the attendees failed to move on, police told them they were committing misdemeanors, which led to further yelling and booing. Some of the participants had to be carried away by the police after refusing to leave the scene.

Competing protests
DW's Leonie von Hammerstein noted a counterprotest took place, with many citizens angry at those wanting to break the rules.

"The difference is the counterprotesters are wearing face masks, are keeping the [correct] social distance. Whereas the other protesters are not, they have been shouting 'the pandemic never happened.'

She then described experiencing verbal abuse from some protesters, including one man who shouted in her face.

"He believed in conspiracy theories. He believed Bill Gates was behind the coronavirus and wants to forcefully vaccinate everybody and the German government is helping him to do that," von Hammerstein said.

The protests took place on the same day that German Economy Minister Peter Altmaier said he wanted tougher action on COVID-19 rule breakers.

"Anyone who deliberately endangers others must expect that this will have serious consequences for him," Altmaier said.

CSU leader Markus Söder has opposed further relaxation of restrictions as the number of new infections continues to rise. "We must expect coronavirus to come back on us with full force", the Bavarian Minister-President told the Bild am Sonntag newspaper.

"Many people have unfortunately become more reckless in dealing with the virus," he said.

The number of infections in Germany has been on the rise recently, with 955 new cases recorded on Saturday and 870 on Friday.

The surge has been attributed to the public becoming negligent on hygiene and social distancing rules, according to the Robert Koch Institute, the German government's disease control and prevention agency.

js,dj/mm (AFP, dpa)

"People Are Dying Alone Because of Donald's Failure to Lead"


Interview with Mary Trump
"People Are Dying Alone Because of Donald's Failure to Lead"

In an interview with DER SPIEGEL, Mary Trump, the U.S. president's niece, discusses her family's chilling history, her grandfather's ruthlessness and what it would mean if Donald was re-elected.



Interview Conducted by Marc Pitzke
31.07.2020, 18.10 Uhr



Mary Trump, the U.S. president's niece: "I was devastated."

Mary Lea Trump, 55, is Donald Trump's only niece. Her father, Fred Trump Jr., who died in 1981, was his older brother. Her recent book "Too Much and Never Enough: How My Family Created the World’s Most Dangerous Man" caused quite a stir in the U.S., broke sales records and remains in the top nonfiction spot on the New York Times bestseller list.

DER SPIEGEL: Ms. Trump, you write that your uncle is the world's most dangerous man. What do you mean by that?

Trump: The combination of his pathologies and his position is extremely dangerous. In some sense, you could say that any American in his position is potentially the most dangerous person on the planet. But my uncle clearly doesn't have the intellectual capacity or the impulse control to be trusted.

DER SPIEGEL: What went through your mind when he was elected back in 2016?

Trump: I was devastated. In a really weird way, I took it personally. I used to be really proud of my family name because it just sounded cool. It was difficult to hear my name constantly referring to somebody who was doing all of these horrible things. It felt like an assault.

DER SPIEGEL: What was it like to grow up as a Trump?

Trump: It was totally normal because we had no perspective from the outside. I just went to my grandparents' house on the weekends and hung out.

DER SPIEGEL: Your great-grandfather, Friedrich Trump, was born in Kallstadt, located in the present-day German state of Rhineland-Palatinate. He died in New York City during the 1918 flu pandemic. Was his death or your family's German heritage ever discussed when you were younger?

Trump: My grandfather never spoke about his dad. I don't think he was particularly bothered by his death. My grandfather was a first generation American. It was total assimilation, no clinging to pride about his country of origin at all. And Donald, too, never referred to himself as being German because they did a lot of business with Jewish people. Apparently, they didn't understand that people can make the distinction between having a German heritage and being a Nazi.

DER SPIEGEL: Your father, Fred Jr., was supposed to inherit the family's real estate business. Instead, your grandfather anointed Donald as his heir and set in motion a series of events that has led us to where we are today. What was your grandfather like?



Donald Trump with his parents Fred and Mary together with his bride Maria in 1993: "It is like a cult."

Donald Trump with his parents Fred and Mary together with his bride Maria in 1993: "It is like a cult." Foto: The LIFE Picture collection / Getty images
Trump: There was no emotional bond or affection between my grandfather and his children. He had no real human feelings. More crucially, he saw people as extensions of himself to be used for his own purposes. If you failed to fulfill that purpose, you would be excised, as my dad was. In my family there could only be one winner. As time passed, it became very clear it wasn't going to be my father Freddy. So Donald did everything to make sure that the winner was going to be him. No matter who he had to step on.

DER SPIEGEL: Instead of going into the family business, your father became a pilot. What was your grandfather's reaction?

Trump: My dad was getting torn down on an almost daily basis. He was a professional pilot at the dawn of the jet age, but my grandfather told him he was no better than a glorified bus driver. My dad was constitutionally incapable of being the kind of son my grandfather wanted him to be. My grandfather was willing to do whatever it takes to advance his own agenda. When I was finally able to make sense of what I witnessed, and just by being an adult and by my training as a psychiatrist, I realized my grandfather was a sociopath. I'm perfectly comfortable saying that. I'm not being hyperbolic, I mean that in a clinical sense.

DER SPIEGEL: Your dad became an alcoholic. How did your family deal with that?

Trump: When alcoholism is not understood as a disease with this strong genetic component but is treated like a moral failing, the sick person will never be able to recover if there's no outside help, which there wasn't for my dad. Donald, who was seven and a half years younger, witnessed the abuse and dismantling of my dad and had the benefit of seeing what not to do and how not to be.

DER SPIEGEL: Donald emulated his father?

Trump: The character similarities between him and my grandfather don't run as deep as they might seem. My grandfather was a very competent person. He was a successful businessman. Donald is neither of those things. He's not competent and he's never been good at business. However, my grandfather saw Donald's savvy with the media. He also saw Donald as somebody who was totally willing to do whatever it took to win, whatever that meant in their universe. Get the deal, screw somebody over, lie, cheat, steal.

DER SPIEGEL: Was there no moderating influence? Your grandmother?

Trump: That's one of the fascinating things about this story. There was no moderating influence. As a kid, Donald was abandoned by his mother, my grandmother. It wasn't her fault. She was very sick and absent at an extremely crucial developmental point in his life. From that age on, Donald experienced devastating loneliness, terror. His only real human connection was taken away from him. It was just devastating from a character point of view. While my grandfather had pushed my father to be the best, the killer, the tough guy, the winner, Donald took that a step further. Not only was he going to be the best, he was never wrong, because that was something you'd never admit. You never apologized.

DER SPIEGEL: Is that how the myth of Trump took hold?

Trump: Donald needed to find a way to survive, and I mean that literally. It's astonishing to see how many different people and entities were willing to take over my grandfather's project of propping up and putting forward this man who had nothing to recommend him, starting with the media in the late 1970s and '80s and then the banks, and then Mark Burnett (the creator of "The Apprentice"), and then the Republican Party.

DER SPIEGEL: Did your grandfather realize what he was setting in motion?

Trump: I don't think my grandfather understood right away just how bad Donald was going to be. It probably wasn't until Atlantic City that even my grandfather could no longer deny what a disaster Donald was in the world of business.

DER SPIEGEL: You are referring to when he drove several Atlantic City casinos into bankruptcy.

Trump: Donald didn't seem to understand how casinos work. Instead of operating one casino that could have been wildly successful, he had three, which cannibalized each other's profits. And he was running them so poorly. Very shortly after his third casino, the Taj Mahal, opened, he was already in enormous trouble. My grandfather had a chauffeur drive to Atlantic City with a registered check for $3.35 million to buy chips and leave the casino with them. That was illegal, because it was an unregistered loan. My grandfather actually ended up having to pay a fine. But a couple of days after that, he did it again.

DER SPIEGEL: But he let your father die broke and alone. How did that come to pass?

Trump: My grandfather resented the reminder of my father's existence and just how much of a failure he was in his view. After my father lost his job as a pilot, he put him on a maintenance crew at Trump Management, which was this empire worth hundreds and hundreds of millions of dollars that my dad was supposed to take over. But he had him doing maintenance with a bunch of guys driving around in the truck. Nothing wrong with that per se, but given the tremendous symbolism, it was one of the biggest cruelties, but not the last. When my dad was 39, he got very ill and had to have open-heart surgery. Eventually he just got sicker and weaker. My grandfather had a lot of connections to local hospitals. Jamaica Hospital actually named a wing after my grandmother because they had donated so many millions of dollars. But my father ended up in a random hospital in Queens, where he died. And nobody was with him.

DER SPIEGEL: Not even his brother?



Mary Trump in her mother's arms, together with her father and brother: "Donald and his sister Elizabeth went to the movies."

Trump: Donald and his sister Elizabeth went to the movies.

DER SPIEGEL: Trump has voiced regret for having pressured your father, but not for having abandoned him on his deathbed.

Trump: I don't think it mattered to him that his brother died alone. Look what's happening in this country right now. People are dying alone because of Donald's failure to lead.

DER SPIEGEL: Where was Donald Trump in his career as your father got sick?

Trump: He was working on Trump Tower, or should I say, he was taking advantage of my grandfather's money, power and connections to get Trump Tower pushed through. Donald always seemed incredibly wealthy, but until then, everything was financed by my grandfather.

DER SPIEGEL: Doesn't your uncle have any redeeming qualities?

Trump: A long time ago, he had some impulses towards kindness. But the idea of kindness had become so perverted that he doesn't even know how to do it properly.

DER SPIEGEL: Did he go to church? Many Evangelicals love him.

Trump: He has no religious impulses. And that's not even the problem. The problem is the hypocrisy. The problem is his willingness to use other people's beliefs to convince them that he has their best interests at heart. It is like a cult.

DER SPIEGEL: You have a Ph.D. in clinical psychology. What's your professional assessment of your uncle?

Trump: It was important to me not to diagnose him directly in my book. I wanted to give people insight into understanding what was going on. To give them tools to make sense of his behavior. A lot of people have presented these definitive diagnoses - narcissistic personality disorder, malignant narcissism, etc. But we also have to consider other things outside of personality disorders, like sleep disorder and learning disability.

DER SPIEGEL: Learning disability?

Trump: He seems to have a very difficult time processing information. It's very possible that he had a learning disorder when he was a kid that was just never diagnosed and therefore not properly addressed.

DER SPIEGEL: In your book you call him a racist but offer no definite evidence. Did you ever hear him, or any other family members, say anything racist while growing up?

Trump: Yes. I'm not suggesting that my family was particularly more racist or anti-Semitic than other people in New York City back in the 1940s and 50s. The use of the N-word and of anti-Semitic slurs was just part of the way it was. It was background.

DER SPIEGEL: You kept your relationship to another woman from your family. Why?

Trump: My family was spectacularly uncurious about my personal life. In my home, homophobia wasn't a thing to be spoken about because people didn't really talk about homosexuality. There was no direct evidence that my family was homophobic. It wasn't until my grandmother made a really disparaging comment about Elton John, calling him a "little faggot," that I realized, OK, this is really something I need to keep to myself.

DER SPIEGEL: The New York Times revealed in 2018 that the Trumps cheated you out of your inheritance.

Trump: I had known something was wrong. But didn't know what it was. It just had seemed unlikely that my grandfather's estate was worth only $30 million when he died. The Times revealed that it was worth more than $970 million. It was really devastating to find out that my aunts and uncles, who were made my trustees after my dad had died when I was 16, were using their power to get away with defrauding me.

Trump: Throughout Donald's entire life, nothing is cumulative for him. One horrible thing replaces the earlier horrible thing, and in the end, he's held to account for none of it. That's been going on from the time he was a teenager.

DER SPIEGEL: Do you think your book will hold him accountable?

Trump: I had wanted to speak up before the 2016 elections, but it wouldn't have mattered. Nobody would have listened to me. He was getting away with everything. Nobody has ever been willing to speak out about this. Certainly nobody close to him and the family.

DER SPIEGEL: Why now?

Trump: I wanted for voters to avoid what happened in 2016. I don't want anybody going to the polls this November and pretending they don't understand what's going on.

DER SPIEGEL: You write that if Trump gets a second term, it would be "the end of American democracy."

Trump: We're so weakened by his incompetence and his enablers. We're on a knife's edge. It's terrifying. Unfortunately, it's not even hyperbole anymore.

DER SPIEGEL: Some critics accuse you of profiting off the family name. Your uncle called you a "seldom seen niece," claiming he didn't have a relationship with you when you were younger. Is that true?

Trump: That's not entirely true. I wasn't some random stranger.

DER SPIEGEL: Once the idea of a book tour becomes possible again, would you travel to Germany, the land of your ancestors?

Trump: It would be nice to visit my old stomping grounds. I studied in Tübingen for a semester. I love Munich. Hopefully next year Americans won't be pariahs anymore.

DER SPIEGEL: Ms. Trump, thank you very much for this interview.

Biden calls on Congress to pass emergency housing package



BIDEN 2020
Biden calls on Congress to pass emergency housing package

Biden’s statement comes as a high proportion of rent and mortgage payments are due Saturday, the start of a new month.

By MARIANNE LEVINE
08/01/2020 05:00 PM EDT

Presumptive Democratic nominee Joe Biden on Saturday urged Congress to pass an emergency housing package after boosted federal unemployment benefits and a moratorium on evictions both expired.

The former vice president also slammed President Donald Trump and Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) for allowing the Senate to go home for the weekend without an agreement to extend the increased federal unemployment benefits.

“Because Donald Trump is abdicating his responsibility to lead us out of the pandemic crisis and the economic crisis, we now face a potential housing crisis across the country,” Biden said in a statement provided to POLITICO. “To prevent a catastrophic rise in evictions and homelessness, President Trump must work with Congress to act swiftly and enact a broad emergency housing support program for renters, just as we would in the aftermath of a natural disaster.”


Biden’s statement comes as a high proportion of rent and mortgage payments are due Saturday, the start of a new month. Adding to the financial pressure facing millions of Americans, a federal $600-weekly unemployment benefit from the March CARES Act expired Friday night. The evictions moratorium ended July 24.

The former vice president called on Congress to “provide emergency unemployment benefits, greater access to food and nutrition programs, and full subsidies to allow families to keep their health insurance," echoing the priorities of the House's $3 trillion Heroes Act passed in May. He also pushed for more money for state and local governments, another sticking point between Democrats and Republicans.

“These steps could put the nation in a much stronger position to handle the strain the virus is putting on millions of Americans and our entire economy,” Biden said. “They are among many others we must take. But we need a President to care, lead, and act.”

The likely Democratic nominee has widened his lead over Trump in recent polls, in part because of the president's handling of the coronavirus pandemic.

Congress has yet to reach a deal on the next coronavirus relief package. Earlier this week, Trump and top White House officials suggested they would be open to a short-term deal that would address evictions and unemployment benefits. Democrats, however, have shot down a “piecemeal “ approach.

Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.) and Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer (D-N.Y.) met Saturday morning with White House Chief of Staff Mark Meadows and Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin. The meeting, the fifth this week, appeared to yield some progress.

Democrats want to see the $600 weekly unemployment benefit extended into next year as part of a broader package. But Senate Republicans argue the $600 benefit provides a disincentive to work. Senate Republicans this week released a plan that would instead give a $200 temporary flat payment for 60 days until state unemployment systems can provide 70 percent wage replacement.

sábado, 1 de agosto de 2020

Could this anti-Trump Republican campaign group take down the President? / VIDEO: Mourning in America / THE LINCOLN PROJECT




Could this anti-Trump Republican campaign group take down the President?

Savage attack ads from a well-funded group of dissident Republicans are aiming to sway a key sliver of opinion in swing states

Richard Wolffe
Richard Wolffe in Washington
@richardwolffedc
Sat 1 Aug 2020 11.00 BSTLast modified on Sat 1 Aug 2020 11.06 BST

Amid all the noise of an election involving Donald Trump – all the inflammatory tweets and shadowy Facebook posts – one set of ads has somehow managed to break through.

There’s the one of the US president shuffling down a ramp that declares that the president “is not well”. There’s the whispering one about Trump’s “loyalty problem” inside his White House, campaign and family.

There’s the epic Mourning in America that remakes Reagan’s election-defining 1984 ad, turning the sun-bathed suburbs into a dark national portrait of pandemic and recession. On Twitter, YouTube and Facebook, those three ads alone have racked up more than 35m views.

The Lincoln Project, run by a group of renegade Republican political consultants, has crystallized one of the core narratives of the 2020 campaign in ways that few other political commercials have in past cycles.

Its work on brutal attack ads sits alongside the swift boat veterans against John Kerry in 2004, the Willie Horton ad against Michael Dukakis in 1988, and the daisy ad against Barry Goldwater in 1964.

Their reward? Disdain from independent media, distrust across the political spectrum and a recent series of harshly negative coverage from pro-Trump media outlets.

Disdain appears to be the consensus view from the pundits. Atlantic magazine called their ads “personally abusive, overwrought, pointlessly salacious, and trip-wired with non sequiturs”. The New Republic examined what it called “the viral impotency” of the Lincoln Project, suggesting they couldn’t “persuade voters of anything”. Even the Washington Post declared most of their ads were “aimed not at persuading disaffected Republicans but simply at needling the president”.

But that’s not how the project’s leaders see their work or purpose. In their launch manifesto, published as a column in the New York Times, the founders said their goal was “defeating President Trump and Trumpism at the ballot box”, including his Republican supporters in Congress.

To that end, they said their efforts were about “persuading enough disaffected conservatives, Republicans and Republican-leaning independents in swing states and districts” to defeat Trump and elect congressional majorities opposed to Trumpism.

In practice, that means organizing anti-Trump Republicans in eight swing states – including Florida, Ohio, Arizona and North Carolina – to hold virtual town halls and write postcards to Republican neighbors and friends. It also means organizing surrogates to speak to those voters in their home states and towns.

“These are Republicans they are familiar with – former representatives and mayors,” said Sarah Lenti, executive director of the Lincoln Project. “People like Rick Snyder in Michigan who will come out and say, ‘We’re supporting the Lincoln Project and supporting Joe Biden this cycle.’ It gives people the cover to say, ‘Our leadership is doing this, so it’s OK for us too.’”

Alongside the top-tier surrogates and ads, there is a grassroots effort to organize women, veterans and evangelicals to reach out to persuade Republicans to abandon the president who dominates their party.

“There are certain voters we’re not going to move – the one-issue voters on the right to life – and that’s OK,” says Lenti.

“We’re looking at 3-5% of Republicans in certain states. They tend to be more educated than not. Over 40 years old, and the demographic split is about 50/50, maybe a little towards men. We’re also seeing traction with some evangelicals, and those are typically older and less educated.”

That sliver of disaffected Republicans is the target for ads like Mourning in America: people who are old enough to remember the original from three decades ago are also old enough to be at the highest risk of the coronavirus. “Under the leadership of Donald Trump,” the narrator says, “our country is weaker, and sicker, and poorer.”

That was the first ad that triggered Trump enough to tweet-storm about the group two months ago: a presidential outburst that transformed the Lincoln Project’s profile and resources.

“A group of RINO Republicans who failed badly 12 years ago, then again 8 years ago, and then got BADLY beaten by me, a political first timer, 4 years ago, have copied (no imagination) the concept of an ad from Ronald Reagan, “Morning in America”, doing everything possible to get even for all of their many failures,” Trump tweeted.

If Trump was truly tormented by the Reagan reference, the irony is striking. Trump himself stole, without attribution, Reagan’s 1980 slogan: Make America Great Again.

For the most part Trump’s tweets focused on the individual founders of the project that troubles him so deeply. Given their track record in GOP politics, his dismissal of them as Rinos – Republicans In Name Only – means there are very few Republicans who can pass the Trump test.

The Lincoln Project founders include John Weaver, who was a political strategist for George HW Bush in 1988 and 1992, as well as John McCain’s strategist for a decade; Reed Galen, who worked on both Bush campaigns in 2000 and 2004; Steve Schmidt, who ran the McCain campaign in 2008 and worked in the Bush White House and campaigns before that; and George Conway, a conservative lawyer whose wife Kellyanne just happens to work as Trump’s counselor in the West Wing.

The pushback did not stop there. The conservative Club for Growth took the extraordinary step of creating and airing its own ad attacking the Lincoln Project. It depicted the group as a bunch of failed strategists trying to make a quick buck by hating not just Trump but the American people.

This month they have been joined by two hit stories in the Murdoch-owned New York Post, accusing the founders of “ties to Russia and tax troubles” as well as secretly wanting to work for Trump. These may be confusing lines of attack for Trump supporters who have grown numb to ties to Russia, tax troubles and think highly of those who want to work for Trump.

For Democratic ad-makers, the work of the Lincoln Project has earned their respect, even if questions remain about its impact. “The ads have struck a chord with progressives and activists who see the Project as validating everything we’ve been saying about Trump, but now being voiced by the people we usually campaign against,” said Jim Margolis, a veteran Democratic strategist and ad-maker for the Obama and Clinton campaigns. “The question is whether independent voters, moderate Republicans and white suburban voters will respond as well.

“If the objective is modest – moving a point or two in the right states with the right people – I think they can help win the election. Remember: Hillary Clinton lost the presidency in 2016 by less than one point in Michigan, Wisconsin and Pennsylvania. So even small gains can mean the difference between a Trump second term and a new day in America.”

But for some of the ads it is clear they are engaged in a battle for the attention of a singular target.

“Some of these ads have an audience of one,” says Lenti. “That’s always been part of the strategy. Because every time he gets off message, spewing grievances, he’s not campaigning. The idea is to get him off message again and again and again. It bothers him. We hear from people inside the White House that he wants them to make us go away. But we’re not going away.”

Trump’s concern about the Lincoln Project has only helped to fill its coffers. After seeing Mourning In America, Trump stepped off Marine One and talked to reporters before boarding Air Force One.

“They should not call it the Lincoln Project,” he complained, after taking more potshots at its founders. “It’s not fair to Abraham Lincoln, a great president. They should call it the Losers Project.”

Instead of turning them into losers, Trump helped raise $2m for his sworn enemies. The group raked in more than $20m by the end of June, far ahead of its target of raising $30m by the end of the election cycle. Most of those funds came after Trump’s attacks in May, with small donors making up the bulk of its supporters: the average donation is around $50.

Now the group has enough funds to go after Trump’s supporters in tight Senate races. This week it placed its biggest ad buy – $4m in Alaska, Maine and Montana – as the expanded battlefield underscores its bigger goal.

“I don’t think this wing of the party is going away,” says Lenti. “Our job isn’t to reform the Republican party. Our job is to end Trump and Trumpism.”

#TrumpIsNotWell




The Lincoln Project
“I don’t think this wing of the party is going away,” says Lenti. “Our job isn’t to reform the Republican party. Our job is to end Trump and Trumpism.”

Whispers




The Lincoln Project
“I don’t think this wing of the party is going away,” says Lenti. “Our job isn’t to reform the Republican party. Our job is to end Trump and Trumpism.”

The battle for Public Space / The (cafe) terrace War




Devido à profunda crise nos Restaurantes e cafés, exepcionalmente foram oferecidas pelas cidades Europeias, possibilidades de expansão TEMPORÁRIA de esplanadas no espaço público.
É imperativo que os empresários se consciencializem do caráter exepcional e temporário destas medidas. Seria um pesadelo se após o Verão de CRISE CORONA, estes empresários da hotelaria se convencessem que este seria um direito adquirido, agravando a qualidade de vivência da Via Pública com mais ocupação, mais lixo, mais ruído e menos espaço e direito ao descanso nocturno dos habitantes.
Aqui, uma reportagem do conceituado Volkskrant em Paris.
OVOODOCORVO

REPORTAGE
TERRASSENOORLOG IN PARIJS
The battle for Public Space / The (cafe) terrace War

Parisian pub bosses won't let their 'temporary' terraces take away

In the densely populated 11th arrondisement  there is little greenery to be found. Every additional square meter of terrace is welcome. That is, café-goers are happy with it, local residents  are delighted. Image  Aurélie Geurts

In Paris, there is a real terrace battle going on. Cafes may use the public space to set up a terrace. Despite the corona restrictions, they can still make some money. Local residents see their peace disturbed. 'Florists and bookstores are also struggling. Surely they don't get extra space for free?'

Daan Kool31 July 2020, 15:13
'Yes, you have to pay attention here,' says bartender Sabrina Fresnée  with a smile after crossing the street with a full tray. While serving large glasses of lemonade to two guests on the terrace, a line bus roars by barely a metre away. Only when a whole procession of cars, taxis and motorbikes has passed can  Fresnée  return to the bar with its empty tray.

The rue  Jean-Pierre  Timbaud is a real nightlife street. Just like in the nearby  rue  Oberkampf – known and notorious for the pub crawls – you can go for a night of old-fashioned sagging. A  quartier  de nuit, it is here according to the local café owners: a night neighborhood. In pubs with names like  Pili  Pili,  l'Homme  Bleu and  Alimentation  Générale, the beer is cheap and the nostalgic rock, french or not, reverberates through the speakers. The happy  hour  usually lasts about three hours.

But terraces, no, there weren't. There was simply no room for this: the street is a common thoroughfare and the pavements are too narrow. 'There's 24 cafes here. Not one of them was eligible for a terrace permit', says Sylvain Schoner, manager of café L'Engrenage.

For those who are now walking down the street on a Friday night, this is almost impossible to imagine. What was a strip of parking spaces a few months ago has been transformed into an elongated succession of terraces. Tables and chairs have been placed on every apparently unused square metre. With umbrellas, wooden bulkheads, artificial grass and flower pots, the café bosses have delineated their makeshift terraces. Every bar in the street now has a terrace.

Public space
The café bosses are using a scheme devised at Paris City Hall during the three long months of spring in which the 18,000 capital bars, cafes and restaurants had to remain closed. Since its reopening on 15 June, catering operators have been allowed to set up tables and chairs in the public space. Free of charge and without the intervention of the municipality. "Without that terrace, I don't know if the keys to my business would still be in my pocket," says Schoner.

The temporary terraces are intended as a helping hand in difficult times and also make it easier to ensure sufficient distance between the tables. Big question is how temporary they are. They may remain until 30 September at least, but Mayor Anne Hidalgo has already hinted that that deadline will be extended as far as she is concerned, if the city council agrees.

That would be 'a real disaster', says Gilles Pourbaix, president of  Vivre  Paris, an umbrella organisation of neighbourhood associations that 'defend the public space' and fight for 'the right to sleep'. Pourbaix  has received dozens of complaints in recent weeks from people who, to their surprise, discovered that a terrace had suddenly appeared just below their apartment, with all the noise that entailed. "Hidalgo has ignored the most important group of people, the local residents, ray." If the terraces are still there after September,  Vivre Paris will file a lawsuit against the municipality.

Ten Commandments
"Look, these are the Ten Commandments," says café owner Laurent Ribeiro as he points to a poster on the window of his pub, which has the rules on which the new terraces must comply. Tables are allowed on the pavement, but not if they block the passage way for pedestrians or wheelchairs. Parking spaces may be claimed, but disabled spaces and charging points for electric cars are not.

The hottest hanging iron: by ten o'clock in the evening, the temporary terraces must be cleared. "What kind of time is that?" the pub owner sneers. 'Then it's still light!' However, he adheres to it nicely – because there are regular complaints in the street, the municipality frequently checks. 'A few blocks away, the café owners leave their terraces quietly until after midnight.'

But Ribeiro, who has run the small dark pub Nun's Café for twenty years, is confident that the opening hours for his new terrace will be extended and that the temporary terraces will become permanent, or at least be built every spring. 'Those are the next stages, we're going to win them.' 'We', those are the pub bosses from the neighborhood, men of the type rough bolster white pit who have close contact with each other and defend their interests by fire and sword through the local business association.

The first stage has already been successfully completed. In the beginning, inspectors from the municipality forced the café owners to bring in their entire terrace every evening. 'If there was a van or a car the next morning, we couldn't set tables,' says Schoner. A shrewd lawyer, called in by the pub bosses, offered a solution. The rules state that the entrepreneurs have to bring in their patio furniture every night. In other words: anything that does not belong to the furniture may remain.

In the meantime, a creative race has developed between the cafés. The operators have worked diligently on the demarcation of their terraces, formerly parking spaces. Each pub marks its area extension in its own distinctive style. With bamboo branches, pots with violets or hydrangeas, cheerfully painted wooden pallets or an ivy-clad occasional pergola. The mayor of this district, the 11th arrondissement, even called a competition for the most beautiful temporary terrace.

Densely populated
In Paris, where many inhabitants have to make do without a garden and balcony, a large part of the city life takes place on the terraces in good weather. You can see people sitting there for hours on their own with a book and a cup of coffee. 'It's not Berlin here, there's not much space here and little greenery,' says Talel  Teber, the owner of the Petit Clou Bar. 'The 11th is the most populous arrondissement of the city. If you want to sit outside for a while, you'll soon be on a terrace.'

For the café-goers in the quartier  de nuit, especially twenty-twenty-nurs and thirty-fives, the terrace revolution is ideal. 'In the past, the tables on most terraces were very tightly crammed together,' says student Benjamin  Leseigneur, who sits with three friends for a beer. 'If the municipality is going to ban this, I think there will be a counter-movement. Now that we're used to this, let's not just take this away from us anymore.'

Gilles Pourbaix  is less charmed. 'Surely you can't have guests with good decency between chipboard bulkheads and parked cars? It's not a face. Fortunately, there are very few tourists this summer.' Hidalgo has appropriated the right to give away the public space to the café owners for free, according to the president of  Vivre  Paris. 'Of course the hospitality industry is struggling. But so are the florists and the bookstores. Surely they don't get extra space for free?'

"If my neighbors complained, I'd sit down with them," Teber  says, collapsing a terrace table, a few minutes before 10 a.m. But according to the café owner, almost all the complaints come from a handful of people who live hundreds of meters away. 'Wealthy retirees who don't accept that it's a lively neighborhood here and who have seas of time to complain. Even at the district office, it's killing them.'

Pourbaix sees it diametrically differently. 'Le lobby of bars has won, with in their wake the alcohol lobby. Make no mistake, I see for myself at town hall meetings how thick the catering entrepreneurs and the aldermen are with each other. In streets like  rue  Jean-Pierre  Timbaud, the pub bosses are in charge.'

'Messieus-ladies, you really have to go now, otherwise I get fined', says  Teber at five past ten in a last attempt to get the last guests off the terrace in a friendly manner. With slightly swaying legs, the company gets up, talking loudly, on the way to a terrace that is still open.

TERRASVERWARMING
The desire to allow the extra terraces permanently seems difficult to reconcile with the ban on patio heating announced by the French government this week. After the coming winter, terrace heating will be banned throughout France. That was one of the recommendations of the Citizens' Council for climate that President Macron  created in 2019. In some cities, including Rennes, terrace heating is already prohibited. This is not yet the case in Paris: it is estimated that there are as many as 12,500 establishments in the capital that heat their terraces.