News
Analysis
Trump
Seeks to Redefine ‘Regime Change’ in Iran War
President
Trump and his aides have made contradictory statements on whether the United
States and Israel have transformed the Iranian government through violence.
Edward
Wong
By Edward
Wong
Edward
Wong reports on U.S. foreign policy from Washington, after having covered China
and the Iraq war from overseas.
March 31,
2026
https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/31/us/politics/trump-regime-change-iran.html
Regime
change has occurred in Iran. Or it hasn’t. It is a goal of the war. Except it
isn’t.
Those are
some of the dizzying messages that have come from President Trump and his aides
in recent days. The phrase “regime change” has flown from lips this week like
fighter jets crisscrossing the Persian Gulf.
But there
appears to be disagreement among top administration officials on what the
phrase means, or whether the United States and Israel have achieved it in four
weeks of war against Iran.
Defense
Secretary Pete Hegseth made an unequivocal declaration about the Iranian
government at a news conference on Tuesday: “This new regime, because regime
change has occurred, should be wiser than the last. President Trump will make a
deal. He is willing.”
A common
definition of regime change is a forced transformation of government or
leadership that results in structural alterations in policies, politics and
governance. In Iran, a theocratic leadership that is authoritarian and
anti-American — and that continues to wage war — remains in place.
On
Monday, Secretary of State Marco Rubio, who is also the president’s national
security adviser, expressed some doubt in an interview with ABC News about
whether anything had really changed in Iran.
“The
people who lead them, this clerical regime, that is the problem,” he said. “And
if there are new people now in charge who have a more reasonable vision of the
future, that would be good news for us, for them, for the entire world. But we
also have to be prepared for the possibility, maybe even the probability, that
that is not the case.”
Later,
speaking to Al Jazeera, Mr. Rubio made it clear that destroying Iran’s weapons
was important because the current leadership — the new regime, as Mr. Hegseth
puts it — is an adversary.
“I think
the best way to stability, given the people who are in charge in Iran, is to
destroy the ability of Iran in the future to launch these missiles and these
drones against their infrastructure and civilian populations,” Mr. Rubio said,
referring to potential targets in the Middle East.
He added
that “our objectives here from the very beginning had nothing to do with the
leadership.”
But Mr.
Trump opened the war on Feb. 28 by working with Israel to carry out a strike
that killed Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, the supreme leader of Iran, and other top
officials. Hours later, he called for Iranians to overthrow their government
sometime after the bombing stopped. The uprising, which was promised to Mr.
Trump by Israeli leaders, has not materialized, but the president is saying
mission accomplished on regime change.
In fact,
he said, the United States has been so successful that it has ended not just
one, but two Iranian regimes.
“We’ve
had regime change, if you look, already because the one regime was decimated,
destroyed. They’re all dead,” Mr. Trump told reporters on Sunday aboard Air
Force One. “The next regime is mostly dead. And the third regime, we’re dealing
with different people than anybody’s dealt with before. It’s a whole different
group of people. So I would consider that regime change.”
To
emphasize the point, he said, “Regime change is an imperative, but I think we
have it automatically.” On Tuesday afternoon, the president reiterated that he
had “knocked out” two Iranian regimes, one after the other.
Mr.
Trump’s talk of the destruction of two regimes appeared to refer to the initial
attacks that killed Mr. Khamenei and other senior officials and also injured
his son Mojtaba Khamenei, who was later appointed by a group of clerics to be
Iran’s new supreme leader. Iranian and Israeli officials say the son suffered
leg injuries, and he has not appeared in public during the war.
The
younger Mr. Khamenei is considered a hard-line ally of a powerful arm of the
Iranian military, the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps. The government in
Tehran vows resistance and continues to fight the United States, Israel and
Arab partners, and to block energy shipping in the Strait of Hormuz, disrupting
the global economy.
“There
has been personnel change in Iran, not regime change,” said Karim Sadjadpour, a
scholar of Iran at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace in
Washington. “Different men with the same ideology.”
Mr.
Trump’s remarks about regime change have muddied the waters. But his military
actions and coercive economic warfare against a handful of nations — Iran,
Venezuela and Cuba — are aimed so far at decapitating leadership to put in
power someone who will accede to U.S. demands, rather than effecting a
wholesale transformation of the political system.
The
president’s aim is to create client states by coercing regime compliance, part
of a greater project of resurrecting empire. And he constantly talks about a
template: the U.S. military’s violent incursion into Venezuela in January to
seize Nicolás Maduro, the country’s president, and Mr. Trump’s subsequent
negotiations over oil and other matters with the acting president, Delcy
Rodríguez, who like Mr. Maduro is a hard-line leftist.
Karoline
Leavitt, the White House press secretary, said at a news conference on Monday
that the United States and Israel had to kill the older Mr. Khamenei and some
of his aides after it proved too difficult to do diplomacy with them. Those
previous leaders “are now no longer on planet Earth,” she said, “because they
lied to the United States and they strung us along in negotiations, and that
was unacceptable to the president, which is why many of the previous leaders
were killed.”
Mr.
Trump’s braggadocio over accomplishing what he calls regime change is fairly
new. In 2016, when he was running for president, he criticized the wasteful
U.S. “forever wars” in Iraq and Afghanistan, saying that “we must abandon the
failed policy of nation-building and regime change.” In May, he gave a speech
in Saudi Arabia in which he said that “in the end, the so-called nation
builders wrecked far more nations than they built, and the interventionalists
were intervening in complex societies that they did not even understand.”
Despite
his embrace of war and military violence, Mr. Trump’s instinct to refrain from
committing the United States to completely transforming hostile nations appears
to persist for now.
The
president’s remarks this week asserting that leadership decapitation is regime
change can be interpreted as an attempt to redefine the phrase so that he can
say his original war goal has been met.
“The
administration as a whole seems to be moving away from deep regime change as a
goal of the war,” said Rosemary Kelanic, the director of the Middle East
program at Defense Priorities in Washington. “A real regime change war in Iran
would require boots on the ground — and a lot of them — and Trump wisely
doesn’t want to commit that level of effort when the costs and risks far
outweigh the benefits.”
Edward
Wong reports on global affairs, U.S. foreign policy and the State Department
for The Times.


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