‘When’s Nigel coming back?’ Farage absence looms
large over Reform UK conference
In Doncaster, at the insurgent rightwing party’s
‘biggest ever’ gathering, one absence is on everybody’ lips
Michael
Savage
Michael
Savage Policy Editor
Sat 24 Feb
2024 19.16 CET
https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2024/feb/24/nigel-farage-reform-uk-conference-doncaster-party
On a sunny
day at Doncaster racecourse, those gathered for Reform UK’s “biggest ever party
conference” were presented with a dizzying array of pledges to cut tax and
freeze “non-essential” immigration as its leading lights published a
programme to “save Britain”. Yet even as the sun beamed down, the shadow of
one absent figure seemed to hang over proceedings.
There was a
jubilant mood at the South Yorkshire gathering as they cheered leader Richard
Tice’s demands for an inquiry into vaccine harms, to break with the World
Health Organization and to fire headteachers who refused to drop “critical race
theory”.
Even from
the conference stage, however, it was acknowledged there was one big unanswered
question. David White, the Barnsley South candidate, admitted he is regularly
asked: “When’s Nigel coming back?”
The leaders
of Reform UK, which grew out of the Brexit party after the last election, are
in optimistic mood after seizing 13% of the vote at the Wellingborough
byelection, its best ever result. They believe it confirms national polling
that suggests about one in 10 voters may back them.
Yet despite
the progress, many Reform supporters – and concerned Tory MPs – feel that the
addition of Nigel Farage could turn the party from a minor irritant to the
Conservatives into an existential threat.
“I would
hope he would come back,” said Stephen O’Neill, who had travelled with his
wife, Sandra, from Glasgow. “I don’t think he’d be leader, but obviously Farage
has got the charisma and the notoriety.” Sandra adds: “It needs publicity;
that’s what they don’t get.”
Charlotte,
from Gloucestershire, attracted to Reform because of a dislike of the main
parties, was also keen for a Farage return. “I’d certainly like to see him,”
she said. “He’s good at his job and getting the crowds together. He can give
all the other leaders a good run for their money.”
Even among
attendees at the conference, however, there was an acknowledgment that the
addition of Farage could be double-edged.
“He’s a
polarising character, but that’s because the media portray him as that,” said
Colin, an ex-Tory voter from Lincolnshire who said his former party doesn’t
represent his views any longer. “I would like him to come back and help Reform,
but not necessarily stand as a candidate. The mainstream media would circle
like vultures to destroy him.”
The policy
platform announced in Doncaster is huge, from ending inheritance tax to
replenishing the fishing fleet. Yet Tories on the right, sympathetic to many of
the ideas, believe Farage is vital if Reform’s insurgency is to be significant.
“He’s the
only one with any political nous,” said one former minister. He pointed to
issues that seem too technical and remote, such as Northern Ireland’s Brexit
mechanisms or the interest on quantitative easing reserves given to commercial
banks.
Exclusive
polling for the Observer by Opinium sheds more light on the Farage factor.
Reform UK has 10% support, the level it has recorded for some time, and similar
to the share of votes in the Wellingborough and Kingswood byelections that its
leaders hailed as a breakthrough. The poll also suggests the return of Farage
would make the party a bigger draw, even if the first past the post system
means seizing a seat looks unlikely.
Tice has a
net approval rating of -9, not bad in comparison with other leaders, but most
voters do not have an opinion at all and he is still largely unknown outside
his party. Farage is on -19% among voters as a whole, but most have a view of
him. Among Tory voters still backing the party, 39% approve of Farage,
suggesting Reform could do serious damage to Rishi Sunak should Farage take the
helm. Of current Tory voters, 42% said Farage’s return would make them more
favourable towards Reform.
It all
leaves Farage with a dilemma. Should he once again return to fight a general
election, which has seen him disappointed so many times before? Or should he,
as he didrecently, spend his time on the money-spinning media circuit in the
US, commentating on his old ally Donald Trump’s campaign for the White House?
The latter option also leaves open the bigger prize of joining a Tory party in
search of leadership should it suffer a heavy general election loss. Farage
remains tight-lipped.
The other
issue for Reform is that there is also a split among those on the right who
believe the Tory party is headed in the wrong direction. While some have opted
for a fresh start with Reform, others want to stay within the Tory tent and
pull it further right. This is the tactic being pursued by several MPs and
former Tory donors.
To this
group, Reform’s increasing support is the evidence they need to push Sunak in
their direction. “I hear from constituents that they want the Conservative
government to be more Conservative,” said one senior figure on the right. “They
resent the drift in society. It’s a kind of modernism that they don’t like.
They don’t like some of the characteristics of modern Britain, the atomisation
of Britain and decline of traditional structures. That’s what they hate most
and they think the government should do something about it. The Tory party just
needs to be more Tory. Stop parroting the liberal left bollocks.”
Sunak’s
team claim to be relaxed about Reform’s recent performances, even though it was
achieved without Farage. “The one thing that surprised us in Wellingborough
was that Reform didn’t do as well as we thought they might,” said one source.
“I remember when you got Ukip getting 60% in Clacton in 2014. And it’s very
clear now that a vote for Reform is essentially a vote for Keir Starmer, so
those votes could come back to us [at a general election].”
As for the
increasingly miserable liberal wing of the Tory party, they believe there is a
confected element to the concerns expressed about the Reform threat. “These are
not people panicking,” said one former cabinet minister. “These are people who
want to turn the Tory party into Reform or some version of it, and are seizing
on opportunities to do so. Anyone sensible recognises that you cannot simply
add the Reform vote to the Tory vote and say, ‘look, it’s a new coalition’. You
shed voters on the other side.
“People who
say that this is evidence to show we should leave the European convention on
human rights and start campaigning on that are being, I think the parliamentary
word is, disingenuous.”
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