Long a Bastion of Liberalism, the Netherlands
Takes a Sharp Right Turn
In an election result that sent shock waves across
Europe, Geert Wilders, a longtime far-right provocateur, is closer than ever to
becoming prime minister.
Claire
Moses
By Claire
Moses
Reporting
from Amsterdam
Nov. 23,
2023, 10:10 a.m. ET
https://www.nytimes.com/2023/11/23/world/europe/dutch-election-results-far-right-geert-wilders.html
The
Netherlands, long regarded as one of Europe’s most socially liberal countries,
woke up to a drastically changed political landscape on Thursday after a
far-right party swept national elections in a result that has reverberated
throughout Europe.
Geert
Wilders’ Party for Freedom, which advocates banning the Quran, closing Islamic
schools and entirely halting the acceptance of asylum seekers, won 37 seats in
the 150-seat House of Representatives, making it by far the biggest party, in a
clear rebuke of the country’s political establishment.
The
results, tabulated overnight after Wednesday’s voting, give Mr. Wilders enough
support to try to form a governing coalition. Centrist and center-right parties
long wary of the firebrand have left the door ajar to a possible partnership,
giving Mr. Wilders a chance to become the Netherlands’ first far-right prime
minister.
While
people across the political spectrum expressed surprise at the election
outcome, and the Dutch reputation of liberalism persists, experts say that Mr.
Wilders succeeded by tapping into a discontent with government that dates back
at least two decades.
“It’s not
suddenly out of nowhere,” said Janka Stoker, a professor of leadership and
organizational change at the University of Groningen.
Mr. Wilders
has been a persistent political presence in the Netherlands through those
years, and now it seemed his time had come.
A career
politician, Mr. Wilders has served as a member of the Dutch House of
Representatives since 1998. In 2004, he split from the party headed by Prime
Minister Mark Rutte, forming the Party for Freedom two years later.
Exceptionally,
Mr. Wilders’s party is not based on a membership structure, making him the sole
decision maker and synonymous with his party.
He is close
ideologically to Marine Le Pen of France, the far-right National Rally leader,
and received hearty congratulations from Viktor Orban, the Hungarian prime
minister who has become another icon of the far right.
At times
Mr. Wilders has also been compared to former President Donald J. Trump, for his
penchant to say things in the most direct and divisive of ways. Many of Mr.
Wilders’s supporters say they feel buoyed and relieved that he is willing to
give voice to what they cannot say, or feel they are not supposed to say.
Yet Mr.
Wilders’s provocations have required him to move through life with a security
detail, and he has said that days can go by during which he does not see the
daylight.
Because of
the need for security over the apparent threats against him, not much is known
about Mr. Wilders’s isolated private life. He has been married since 1992 to a
Hungarian diplomat, Krisztina. His rare public appearances guarantee that every
time he ventures out he attracts a media circus.
Mr. Wilders
told the Dutch magazine Panorama in March that as part of his security, the
windows to his study are blacked out, making it impossible to see outside. He
also told the magazine that he had not been able to drive in his own car since
2004, saying it was a “symbol of freedom that I crave, but that I don’t have
anymore.”
Mr.
Wilders’ political talk has been so divisive that his own brother Paul has
publicly spoken out against him.
Over the
years, Mr. Wilders’s comments about Moroccan immigrants in the Netherlands have
gotten widespread media attention. They have also landed him in court.
In 2014,
Mr. Wilders asked his supporters whether they wanted more or fewer Moroccans in
the Netherlands, which resulted in a crowd chanting, “Fewer! Fewer!”
A Dutch
court convicted Mr. Wilders of insulting a group with the anti-Moroccan chant,
but he avoided punishment.
At a
campaign event in 2017, Mr. Wilders referred to Moroccan immigrants as “scum.”
During the
current campaign he ran on a “Dutch First” platform, though in the final days
of the race he moderated some of his anti-Islam vitriol, saying there were
“more important priorities.”
He also
said that his proposals “would be within the law and Constitution,” in an
effort to court other parties to govern with him.
But while
his language may have softened, his party platform did not. “The Netherlands is
not an Islamic country: no Islamic schools, Qurans and mosques,” it says.
“The
borders are wide open and everyone who comes in wants a living space,” it adds,
while advocating a “zero tolerance” policy to rein in what it calls “street
terrorists” and promising funding for 10,000 extra police officers.
“The police
need to be in charge in the street again,” according to the platform.
“Criminals have to be arrested immediately and put in prison for a long time.”
Mr. Wilders
— as well as other politicians, including Pieter Omtzigt, a centrist who had
hoped to upend the election — had linked an increase in migrants to a shortage
of housing, which was among the biggest issues for Dutch voters.
But it was
Mr. Wilders who ultimately spoke to a discontent that experts said could be
traced back at least to the rise of Pim Fortuyn, a right-wing populist who was
assassinated a week before elections in which he had led the opinion polls. Mr.
Fortuyn, who hoped to become the Netherlands’ first gay prime minister, ran on
a strong anti-immigrant platform more than 20 years ago.
Voter
dissatisfaction was also evident in more recent elections: Regional votes this
year and in 2019, which decide the makeup of the Dutch Senate, saw big
victories by populist newcomers.
Last year,
60 percent of Dutch people said they were unhappy with how politics was done in
the country, according to the Netherlands Institute for Social Research.
Elections
are often a reaction to what happened previously, Ms. Stoker said, referring to
Mr. Rutte’s record-breaking 13-year tenure as prime minister. The Rutte
government collapsed in July over disputes on immigration policy, precipitating
Wednesday’s election.
While Mr.
Rutte has been a stalwart of Dutch politics, several scandals plagued his
leadership which added to an erosion in trust in the government, according to
Dutch political experts. Mr. Rutte will stay on as caretaker prime minister
until a new government is formed.
In the
final days of the campaign, Mr. Wilders started inching up in the polls partly
helped by what many people regarded as strong performances in televised
debates, a stronger media focus on him and a slight softening of some of his
extreme positions on Islam.
But the
margin of victory was unexpected. Mr. Wilders’s party has often performed
better in opinion polls than in elections. This time, the trend reversed.
“These were
the most volatile elections ever — never before have so many seats changed
hands,” said Tom van der Meer, a professor in political science at the
University of Amsterdam.
Mr. Rutte
had long said that he would not govern with Mr. Wilders. But Dilan
Yesilgoz-Zegerius, Mr. Rutte’s successor as the lead candidate for the
center-right People’s Party for Freedom and Democracy, had left open the door
to forming a coalition with Mr. Wilders.
That
softening appears to have bolstered Mr. Wilders’s performance — long a protest
candidate with little hope of real power, this time he could present himself to
Dutch voters as a strategic choice: a viable governing partner, even a
potential prime minister.
Still, it
will be complicated for Mr. Wilders to move from the opposition into a stable
coalition in a country where politics rests on the art of compromise.
In 2010, he
had an informal liaison with the mainstream conservative party’s coalition, but
he bolted when it wanted to cut back pension benefits.
Claire
Moses is a reporter for the Express desk in London. More about Claire
Moses


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