Far-right extremism in the US is deadly serious.
What will Biden do about it?
Cas Mudde
The Capitol attack was the tip of the iceberg. The
Biden administration must confront the full threat of the US far right
‘Even Trump’s own FBI director and the acting
secretary of homeland security called white supremacist extremists the most
important domestic terrorist threat.’
Wed 27 Jan
2021 11.09 GMT
https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2021/jan/27/far-right-extremism-us-terror-biden
“The cry
for survival comes from the planet itself, a cry that can’t be any more
desperate or any more clear. And now a rise of political extremism, white
supremacy, domestic terrorism that we must confront and we will defeat.”
This
sentence, in Joe Biden’s inauguration speech, was manna from heaven for
anti-fascists, including me, and in many ways a direct refutation of President
Donald Trump’s “American carnage” speech four years ago. After decades of
presidents minimizing the white supremacist threat, and four years of
emboldening and protecting it, finally there is a president who dares to call
the threat by its real name: white supremacy.
My relief
was somewhat short-lived, however. A few days later Biden both narrowed and
broadened his focus. While there were still implicit references to the far
right, most notably the storming of the Capitol on 6 January, the focus was now
on “domestic violent extremism”. Why we needed yet another neologism, rather
than the common term “domestic terrorism”, was not explained – nor was the fact
that most definitions of extremism include the threat or use of violence, which
makes the phrase “violent extremism” redundant.
But leaving
aside semantics, much more problematic was the generalization of the threat.
Did jihadis storm the Capitol? Were “eco-terrorists” involved? Or antifa? No,
the only people storming the Capitol were a broad variety of conspiracy
theorists, white supremacists, and other far-right adherents. (To make this
absolutely clear, given that conservative and far-right media and politicians
keep spreading this lie, antifa was not involved in the storming of the
Capitol.)
So why
focus on “domestic violent extremism” and not, specifically, on white supremacy
or, perhaps better, the far right? I know that there are other “violent
extremisms” in the US, but with the exception of the far right, they have not
been ignored or minimized by the state. The threats from leftwing extremism,
from antifa to the Animal Liberation Front, and Muslim extremism too, have been
overemphasized for decades by intelligence agencies and politicians of both
parties. It is far-right extremism, including white supremacy, that has
generally been ignored.
My second
disappointment came from the fact that Biden called for a “comprehensive
assessment of the threat of domestic violent extremism” by the director of
national intelligence, the FBI and the Department of Homeland Security, thereby
reducing it to a militarized security issue. This not only prioritizes a
certain type of expertise and experts (eg military and security), at the
expense of others (eg social sciences), it also tends to operate in the grey
zones of democracy, with limited oversight from Congress and little to none
from the public.
Obviously,
there is a security angle here, given the violent core in many far-right
subcultures, including the alt-right, self-described “sovereign citizens”,
QAnon conspiracy theorists and militia groups. In fact, most of these threats
have long been acknowledged by agents on the ground. An FBI report in 2006
warned of far-right infiltration of law enforcement, while in 2014 a national
survey of 175 law enforcement agencies ranked sovereign citizens as the most
important terrorist threat in the country. Even Trump’s own FBI director and
the acting secretary of homeland security called white supremacist extremists
the most important domestic terrorist threat.
However,
the core of the far-right threat to US democracy goes well beyond these still
relatively small groups of potentially violent extremists. That is why these
extremists have been minimized and protected by sympathizers in law enforcement
and the political mainstream. If Biden really wants to fight far-right
“domestic violent extremism”, he has to go to the core of the issue, not limit
himself to the most violent outliers. In fact, the “domestic violent extremism”
threat can already be reduced significantly by simply providing political cover
for FBI and homeland security agents who have been investigating them for
decades. No new agencies, laws or resources are necessary – just a refocus of
existing resources away from jihadi terrorism and towards the domestic far right.
Our task is to call out the far right in all its
guises, irrespective of connections and power
The real
threat comes from the broader political and public context in which these
“domestic violent extremists” operate – such as the enormous media and social
media infrastructure that promotes white supremacist ideas and spreads
conspiracy theories. Banning extremist rhetoric and conspiracy theories from
social media might help a bit, but it doesn’t do anything about more powerful
voices in traditional media, such as Tucker Carlson and Sean Hannity on Fox
News. Similarly, it is easy to focus on relatively marginal groups such as the
Proud Boys, but their actions are insignificant compared with those of
Republican senators such as Josh Hawley and Ted Cruz.
That is why
the fight against the far right is, first and foremost, a political one. Our
task is to call out the far right in all its guises, irrespective of
connections and power. It is to reject far-right frames and policies, including
the ones that have been part of the country’s fabric since its founding and
those that have been mainstreamed more recently by the Republican party and
Donald Trump. If Biden is not willing to go to the root of the problem, much of
his fight against far-right “domestic violent extremism” will fail too, just as
it did during the presidency of his friend, Barack Obama.
In 2009,
the Department of Homeland Security published an intelligence assessment of
“rightwing extremism” in the US, which warned that veterans returning from Iraq
and Afghanistan might be particular targets for recruitment by extremist
groups. The report sparked a conservative backlash which accused the Obama
administration of unfairly targeting conservatives and veterans. Within days,
secretary of homeland security, Janet Napolitano, apologized, the report was
effectively shelved, rightwing extremism was deprioritized, and the main author
of the report resigned. The situation has not gotten better since. We know that
the military, and police departments across the country, have been infiltrated
and compromised by hate groups and far-right sympathizers. We also know that
nearly one in five defendants in Capitol storming cases have served in the
military.
So, the
real questions are: does Biden understand how broad and entrenched the
far-right threat to US democracy really is, and is he willing to boldly go where
Obama did not dare? Or is he going to take the easy way out, as so many others
have done before? I fear the Biden administration will engage in some
rhetorical grandstanding and throw the might of the national security state at
some of the more marginal far-right groups and individuals, further eroding
civil liberties, while staying silent about the broader far right. While this
might prevent some far-right terrorist attacks in the margins, it will also
permit the further legitimization and mainstreaming of the far right at the
heart of US politics and society.
Cas Mudde
is Stanley Wade Shelton UGAF professor of international affairs at the
University of Georgia, the author of The Far Right Today (2019), and host of
the podcast Radikaal. He is a Guardian US columnist
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