Opinion
Michelle
Cottle
Kentucky
Had an Easy Choice Between Massie and Trump
May 19,
2026
https://www.nytimes.com/2026/05/19/opinion/massie-primary-trump-republicans.html
Michelle
Cottle
By
Michelle Cottle
Ms.
Cottle writes about national politics for Opinion.
May has
been a brutal month for anyone hoping for signs that the Republican base has
grown tired of President Trump’s anti-democratic strongman shtick.
On
Tuesday, Representative Thomas Massie got taken down by Ed Gallrein, a
challenger aggressively backed by Trumpworld. The most expensive House primary
race ever, this was not a contest of ideas, qualifications, politics or even
personality. It was a race driven and decided on presidential spite, the latest
installment in Mr. Trump’s long-running vengeance campaign against any
Republican he deems disloyal, defiant or simply still in possession of a
political spine.
A
libertarian-ish maverick with a stubborn streak and a penchant for antagonizing
his party’s leaders, Mr. Massie has clashed repeatedly with the president over
the years on issues including the bombing of Iran and the release of the
Justice Department’s Epstein files. His loss to Mr. Gallrein, an unknown,
undistinguished challenger expected to be a much more reliable presidential
boot licker, is the latest warning to other Republicans about the dangers of
crossing Mr. Trump even now, as his popularity is on the slide.
It should
also serve as a vivid and very expensive reminder, especially to Republicans,
of how little Mr. Trump cares about the current or future well-being of his
chosen party. Destroying the G.O.P. might suit his purposes even better.
Mr.
Massie was one of many Trump targets this primary cycle. In Louisiana, the
president’s vengeance minions also took down Senator Bill Cassidy, as payback
for the senator’s vote to convict in Mr. Trump’s 2021 impeachment trial. In the
May 16 primary, Mr. Cassidy failed to even qualify for the runoff election.
Going
farther down the political ladder, Mr. Trump’s allies successfully ousted
several of the Indiana state lawmakers who had thwarted his redistricting
scheme in that state. Message: Defying Mr. Trump is unacceptable at any level
of office.
Aggressive
loyalty purges harm our democracy — a warning that the targeted lawmakers
sought to drive home in their campaigns. “My race will be a referendum on
whether you can be in the Republican Party in Washington, D.C., and have a
thought that diverges from the president’s,” Mr. Massie told me in January. “If
the legislative branch becomes a rubber stamp for the president, then we do
have a king.”
Jim Buck,
one of the lawmakers unseated in Indiana’s May 5 primary, sounded a similar
alarm. “This is a test,” he told me before his primary defeat. “Is Indiana
going to lose sight of states’ rights” and have its elected leaders “forever
under the thumb of Washington”?
Honestly,
it’s not looking good, Jim.
High-minded
concerns about democracy aside, Mr. Trump’s petty project has been bad for the
G.O.P., a spectacular waste of resources that could have been put to better use
in any number of races and places. Pro-Trump groups and individual donors
devoted mountains of cash to dislodging solidly conservative officials from
solidly red seats. In Kentucky alone, around $19 million went toward media
aimed at boosting Mr. Gallrein over Mr. Massie. This seems especially ill
advised in an election year when the political winds are blowing hard against
the Republican Party, which is desperate to retain its grip on Congress.
Campaign
cash is not infinite, even if it seems like it from the outside. This is a
reason Democrats have worked hard this cycle to field strong candidates even in
deep-red areas where they have only a snowball’s chance of winning. Forcing
Republicans to burn money and energy on races that should be easy leaves fewer
resources available for close contests in swing districts in Pennsylvania and
Arizona or the Senate battles in Michigan and Maine.
Instigating
expensive primary brawls, Mr. Trump did the Democrats’ work for them, forcing
his own team to burn money unnecessarily. And not because he wanted to produce
the strongest general election candidate possible. This was about flexing on
his enemies.
Such
behavior is obviously not new to the president. For years he has been purging
the G.O.P. of its remaining pockets of independence. But the underlying
political landscape is always shifting. And the president is now firmly on the
downslope of his reign — quack! quack! — with the Constitution giving him only
two and a half more years in office. The Republican Party needs to be thinking
about and planning for where it will go after he is gone. The more Mr. Trump
highlights how thoroughly he has hollowed out his party, turning his
congressional team, and even state legislators, into little more than
instruments of his bidding, the harder that will be.
Which is
almost certainly part of the goal here. Mr. Trump has clearly thrilled to the
idea that the Republican Party cannot survive without him — that there can be
no such thing as a post-Trump G.O.P. The suggestion that he will ever cede the
stage gracefully is laughable. Everything we’ve seen in the past decade
suggests that, until the bitter end of his presidency — maybe even beyond — he
will work to ensure that the Republican Party remains entirely his creature.
The more pathetic the better.
“Our
country is not about one individual,” Mr. Cassidy observed in his concession
speech Saturday. “If someone doesn’t understand that and attempts to control
others through using the levers of power, they’re about serving themselves.”
Mr.
Trump’s raging unpopularity suggests more Americans are realizing this about
the president. The big question is when disenchanted voters will finally make
the broader G.O.P. pay for coddling a power-hungry leader who would rather see
his party weak than resistant.


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