Trump
aims to crush legal curbs on his climate rollback – but it may not be easy
The
president-elect said he will ‘stop the wave of frivolous litigation from
environmental extremists’ but the ability to block suits will be limited,
experts say
Dharna Noor
Tue 31 Dec
2024 09.00 EST
https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2024/dec/31/trump-climate-policy
Donald Trump
has promised to deregulate the energy sector, boost fossil fuels, dismantle
environmental rules and otherwise attack climate progress. However, experts and
advocates say that lawsuits that aim to hold the fossil fuel sector responsible
for deceiving the public about the climate crisis still “have a clear path
forward”.
“The
overwhelming evidence of the industry’s lies and ongoing deception does not
change with administrations,” said Richard Wiles, president of the non-profit
Center for Climate Integrity, which tracks and supports the litigation. There
are more than 30 accountability lawsuits active around the US brought by states
and municipalities accusing fossil fuel interests of covering up the climate
risks of their products or seeking damages for impacts. “Climate deception
lawsuits against big oil have a clear path forward no matter who is in the
White House.”
On the
campaign trail, Trump pledged to “stop the wave of frivolous litigation from
environmental extremists”.
But the
administration’s ability to block the suits will be limited, Wiles said.
Since the
federal government is neither plaintiff nor defendant in any of the suits,
Trump’s election will not directly affect their outcome. And since each case
was filed in state court, the president cannot appoint judges who will oversee
them.
However, if
any of the cases are sent to the federal courts – something oil companies have
long pushed for but have not achieved – Trump’s rightwing appointees could rule
in favor of fossil fuel companies.
“The most
important impact that Trump will have on the climate accountability litigation
is the justices he has appointed to the supreme court,” said Michael Gerrard,
the faculty director of the Sabin Center for Climate Change Law at Columbia
University.
In his first
term, Trump appointed three justices to the high court, including two with ties
to the fossil fuel industry.
In early
December, Joe Biden’s solicitor general urged the supreme court to reject
requests from fossil fuel interests to quash two climate accountability
lawsuits, after a July call from the court for the administration to weigh in.
Experts say Trump’s White House could attempt to politically tip the scales in
favor of the oil companies.
“The views
of the federal government tend to carry weight with the supreme court, so if
Trump did that it would give a bit of a boost to the oil companies,” said
Daniel Farber, who directs the University of California, Berkeley’s Center for
Law, Energy & the Environment.
But that
doesn’t guarantee that the court would agree with the administration, he said.
“The court doesn’t always listen to the government’s view, and it would really
depend on how persuasively they were able to argue the point,” Farber said.
Trump’s
justice department could also file influential “friend of the court” briefs in
the cases, said Gerrard.. The Biden administration filed such a brief in
support of the plaintiff last year, whereas Trump’s previous administration
reliably supported the defendants and is expected to do so again.
These can
have a significant impact on the outcome of a case, but similarly do not
guarantee an outcome.
Another
possibility advocates are preparing for: Trump could work with Republican
majorities in both houses of Congress to attempt to offer legal immunity to the
fossil fuel industry from the lawsuits.
But such a
measure is unlikely to succeed, even with a Republican trifecta, said Farber.
“You’d need
60 votes to break the filibuster in the Senate, and that means they would need
to pick up seven Democrats,” he said. “I just don’t see that happening.”
The firearms
industry successfully won a liability waiver in 2005 which has successfully
blocked most attempts to hold them accountable for violence. Fossil fuel
companies have pushed to be granted the same treatment, but have failed so far.
The Trump
administration’s pledges to roll back environmental regulation and boost fossil
fuels could inspire additional climate accountability litigation.
“If they
feel like other channels for change have gotten cut off, maybe that would make
the legal channel more appealing,” said Farber.
Climate
accountability suits filed by cities and states have gained steam in recent
months. In December, a North Carolina town launched the nation’s first-ever
climate accountability lawsuit against an electric utility. In November, Maine
also filed a suit against big oil, while a Kansas county sued major fossil fuel
producers, alleging they had waged “a decades-long campaign of fraud and
deception about the recyclability of plastics”.
Even amid
Trump’s expected environmental rollbacks, the suits are a way to “secure some
measure of justice and accountability for big oil’s climate lies and the
damages that they’ve caused”, said Wiles.
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