The
hottest political issue European politicians aren't talking about
The
Continent's housing crisis has gone from being a slow burn to a four-alarm fire
— but some countries are handling it better than others.
By AITOR
HERNÁNDEZ-MORALES
and GIOVANNA
COI
Illustration
by Sara Padovan for POLITICO
JUNE 20,
2024 4:00 AM CET
https://www.politico.eu/article/hot-political-issue-european-union-affordable-housing/
This article
is part of The Home Front, a special report on housing in Europe, from
POLITICO’s Global Policy Lab: Living Cities.
BRUSSELS —
One of Europe’s long-simmering political frustrations is suddenly boiling over.
From Lisbon
to Łódź, voters are angry about the lack of affordable housing. Anti-immigrant
riots broke out in Dublin last fall, fueled in part by claims that the Irish
capital’s limited public housing was being given to foreigners. Meanwhile, in
cities like Lisbon, Amsterdam and Milan, thousands of protesters have taken to
the streets to denounce the lack of affordable homes.
In a poll
ahead of last week’s far-right surge in the European Parliament election, the
Continent’s mayors listed housing as one of the most important issues facing
their constituencies.
“We’ve
reached the breaking point of a situation that has been on a slow burn for
years,” said Sorcha Edwards, the secretary-general of Housing Europe, which
represents public, cooperative and social housing providers. “For a long time,
politicians were happy to ignore the issue because it affected low-income
groups that vote with less force, but now it’s affecting people that take note:
The offspring of the middle class and even the middle class itself.”
Europeans on
average spend nearly 20 percent of their disposable household income on
housing, and there’s the perception that availability is getting scarcer.
Edwards said
that European countries had invested in affordable housing in the post-war
period, but abandoned the issue in the go-go 1980s. As small-government
neoliberal administrations came to power, they broadly cut spending.
Cash-strapped municipal councils that had previously built housing gave up on
new construction and sold off existing stock — but the private sector failed to
pick up the slack.
“We’ve been
warning about this issue for at least 10 years, but politicians have been happy
to ignore it until recently, when it leaped back onto the agenda,” said
Edwards. “Years of inaction have now been made worse by an inflationary
atmosphere and [an] increase in mortgage prices that has led private-sector
construction to stagnate.”
Edwards said
that the characteristics of the housing crisis varied from city to city.
“In
touristic locations, for example, you have the additional pressure posed by
Airbnb and other short-term rental platforms, but the basic issue remains the
same,” she said. “Local and national authorities’ decision to step back and not
act on housing has led us to this point.”
Something
rented in Denmark
Some parts
of the Continent are better equipped to handle the crisis than others.
In Denmark,
public housing is managed according to a national model. The housing
associations are not run for profit and two-thirds of the rent collected goes
into a national building fund, which has been used since 1967 to finance the
construction of new homes and the refurbishment of existing stock.
The fund
also supports health, employment and social initiatives in disadvantaged areas
across the country.
Like the
model made famous by Vienna, Denmark’s national housing program is based on the
principle that public housing should be high-quality and widely available. Bent
Madsen, CEO of the Danish Federation of Non-Profit Housing Providers, said that
even though about a quarter of the dwellings were assigned to vulnerable groups
— like single families or refugees — anyone could apply for a home, regardless
of income.
About
965,000 people, or one-sixth of Denmark’s population, lived in social housing
as of 2022. The public housing sector is the second-largest provider in the
country, with almost 600,000 homes, the equivalent of one-fifth of the national
building stock.
That the
system is designed to be not-for-profit makes social housing significantly more
affordable than its private-sector equivalent. For publicly owned homes built
after 2000, rent per person per square meter is 40 percent cheaper than market
prices, according to data analyzed by the Danish Federation of Non-Profit
Housing Providers.
The Danish
public housing system accommodates the most vulnerable and broader segments of
the population, ensuring a diverse tenant composition as a whole and in
individual housing areas.
As
contributions to the national building fund come from the housing sector
itself, “the public housing sector is not a burden on public finances,” Madsen
concluded.
Swiss bliss
In
Switzerland, many cities are weathering the greater storm thanks to their
nonprofit Genossenschaften cooperative housing estates.
The aim of
the Swiss housing cooperatives is to provide affordable, sustainable and
community living. Because they’re nonprofit operations, they offer housing that
is, at a national level, on average 15 percent cheaper than comparable rentals;
they can be even cheaper than equivalent properties in housing-scarce areas.
Rebecca
Omoregie, vice director of Wohnbaugenossenschaften Schweiz, an association of
nonprofit housing developers, said that the co-ops were democratically
organized, with all residents having the same rights and say regarding the
buildings’ management.
“They are
not state-subsidized social housing, which means that there are no mandatory
income and wealth requirements,” she explained, adding that the properties were
open to everyone. “However, the [cooperatives] ensure a good social mix and the
majority apply occupancy regulations.”
In Zurich,
about 7 percent of homes are now municipally owned — but nearly 18 percent of
flats in the city are Genossenschaften, offering rental prices on average 45
percent cheaper than their for-profit equivalents. The mix helps keep housing
affordable in one of Europe’s most expensive cities.
Each
cooperative has its own procedure to enlist prospective tenants, either through
waiting lists or by advertising vacant properties on its website. While in
principle, membership of a Gennossenschaft is open to everyone, individual
organizations can set additional criteria for membership — such as income — and
current tenants have the final say on who gets in.
Omoregie
said that Zurich’s government had helped the cooperative housing model become a
success by purchasing land for such homes during the first half of the 20th
century, and additionally by supporting the model with reduced capital
requirements.
“Most of
Zurich’s cooperative housing stock was built between 1919 and 1960, but a
housing crisis in the late 1990s led to a revival of the cooperatives in
Zurich,” Omoregie said. Local voters endorsed the model in 2011, voting in
favor of a commitment to have nonprofit housing account for one-third of all
rental units in the city by 2050.
Despite the
Genossenschaften model, Zurich has been hit by the housing crisis. The
construction of new homes has not kept up with the arrival of immigrants from
European Union countries, and rents for new tenants have shot up 30 percent
since 2016. Omoregie said co-op residents had been spared the price hikes, but
that the overall system was unable — for now — to meet the wider demand.
“Cooperatives
are struggling to expand because there is hardly any land on the market and the
prices of the remaining land have risen to levels that make the construction of
affordable housing impossible,” she said. “As a result, most of the growth in
Zurich’s cooperative housing stock has been due to the replacement of existing
houses with larger buildings.”
Housing
Europe’s Edwards said politicians were finally waking up to the crisis and
that, in some countries, substantial measures were being enacted.
“In Dublin,
for example, they’re investing up to €5 billion, but that’s not really taking
the edge off the crisis as yet,” she said. “You can allocate the money but,
ultimately, houses take time to build.”
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