segunda-feira, 1 de fevereiro de 2021

Preços das casas e das rendas estão a cair com a pandemia

 


IMOBILIÁRIO

Preços das casas e das rendas estão a cair com a pandemia

 

Tanto no arrendamento como na compra e venda, os contratos relativos à habitação sofreram quebras nos últimos meses de 2020, de acordo com os índices apurados pela Confidencial Imobiliário. Porto ainda mantém variação positiva.

 

Luísa Pinto

1 de Fevereiro de 2021, 6:08

https://www.publico.pt/2021/02/01/economia/noticia/precos-casas-rendas-estao-cair-pandemia-1948562

 

Os efeitos da pandemia estão a tornar-se mais visíveis no mercado da habitação, com descidas dos preços tanto no mercado de arrendamento, como na compra e venda de imóveis.

 

Os indicadores apurados pela Confidencial Imobiliário, uma empresa especializada em estatísticas do sector, relativos ao último trimestre de 2020, revelaram a chegada a terreno negativo das variações registadas na área de Lisboa, tanto no mercado de arrendamento (caiu 4,8% em termos trimestrais), como no mercado de compra e venda (recuo de 0,8%). No Porto, as variações do preço de venda ainda se fazem em terreno positivo (1,2%), mas já tinham estado negativas no trimestre anterior (-0,4%).

 

Apesar da descida de 0,8% em Lisboa ser ainda residual, ela é relevante por ser a primeira variação negativa em cadeia desde o início de 2015, altura em que arrancou o ciclo de valorização intensa que durou cinco anos consecutivos. O Índice de Preços Residenciais da Confidencial Imobiliário para o concelho de Lisboa iniciou o ano de 2020 com uma subida em cadeia de 3%, registou uma variação trimestral nula no segundo trimestre, seguida de uma subida de 0,8% no terceiro, atingindo terreno negativo nos últimos três meses do ano.

 

No caso das rendas habitacionais, os novos contratos de arrendamento registaram uma evolução descendente pelo quarto trimestre consecutivo: -4,8% em termos trimestrais e -16,8% em termos homólogos. Esta travagem fez o nível das rendas praticadas no mercado regressar a patamares de meados de 2017. Esta descida de preços traduz uma maior oferta no mercado, trazida especialmente pela migração que houve dos imóveis do Alojamento Local para o arrendamento de longa duração, por incapacidade de manter a lógica de rentabilidade que a procura internacional de turistas havia proporcionado no arrendamento de curta duração nos meses anteriores à pandemia.

 

No Porto, a Confidencial Imobiliário também apurou uma ligeira descida, mas refere que aqui a amostra foi muito reduzida e ainda que se celebraram muito poucos novos contratos.

 

"Notícia armadilhada"

“A notícia de que as rendas estão a baixar parece positiva, mas é uma notícia armadilhada. Porque elas baixam em resposta, e na sequência, da redução de rendimento e da produção de riqueza que é gerada. Há uma descida nas rendas mas a descida nos rendimentos das famílias é ainda maior”, nota Ricardo Guimarães, director da Confidencial Imobiliário (CI).

 

Este responsável sublinha, antes, a tónica de estabilidade que encontrou nesta variação de preços, que vão mantendo a mesma trajectória, com variações mais ou menos positivas. “O que encontramos é uma quebra muito grande no ritmo de valorização. Foi isso que trouxe a pandemia. No Porto ainda há um comportamento positivo dos preços, mas muito abaixo daquilo que era há um ano. O que fez foi travar a valorização”, explica. Ou seja, para este responsável, estes indicadores não demonstram uma desvalorização, apenas anulam as expectativas de uma trajectória em termos de valorização.

 

Certo é que o valor a que os bancos avaliam os imóveis para fins de concessão de crédito à habitação subiu novamente em Dezembro, fechando o ano com um novo recorde. Segundo os últimos dados divulgados pelo Instituto Nacional de Estatística (INE), no último mês do ano o indicador de avaliação bancária por metro quadrado habitacional fixou-se no valor mediano de 1156 euros, uma subida de 12 euros em comparação com o mês anterior.

 

“Era expectável que o mercado reagisse com uma desvalorização. Mas essa também foi a expectativa em Março, quando se deu o primeiro confinamento, e isso acabou por não se verificar”, comenta Ricardo Guimarães. No entanto, cada vez que há confinamento, concede, “é mais um fosso que se cava na economia, que afecta todos os sectores”. E é isso que torna difícil fazer projecções seguras.

 

 A pressão para a desvalorização acontece sobretudo nos centros históricos das duas principais cidades do país, porque são mercados que estavam muito expostos à procura turística. “Temos agora este mercado muito condicionado, ou praticamente inactivo. O que não quer dizer que não seja também o segmento de mercado que pode recuperar mais rapidamente”, comentou Ricardo Guimarães, que diz acreditar que “enquanto houver condições para os proprietários segurarem os preços, essa vai ser a opção que vão tomar”.

 

A existência de moratórias para pagamentos dos empréstimos é, assim, determinante para esse propósito de manter os preços estabilizados. As moratórias foram prolongadas até Setembro, mas as empresas de mediação imobiliária já vieram pedir nova extensão desse prazo.

 

Num momento em que a economia está, de novo, confinada, e em que o anúncio da chegada das vacinas foi ultrapassado por uma terceira vaga da crise sanitária que está atingir Portugal de uma forma sem precedentes, só há uma projecção que pode ser feita de forma clara: “O que já é seguro dizer é que o mercado não vai ter nenhuma valorização em 2021. Isso parece-me claro. Tudo o resto é uma grande incerteza”, termina.

 



77 Days: Trump’s Campaign to Subvert the Election

Hours after the United States voted, the president declared the election a fraud — a lie that unleashed a movement that would shatter democratic norms and upend the peaceful transfer of power.

Exclusive: For 77 days between the election and the inauguration, Donald Trump tried to subvert American democracy with a lie about fraud that he had been grooming for years.

Our examination shows how, enabled by Republican leaders, advised by conspiracy-minded lawyers and bankrolled by a new class of Trump-era donors — Trump waged an extralegal campaign that convinced tens of millions of Americans the election had been stolen and that reached a deadly climax at the Capitol on Jan. 6.

https://www.nytimes.com/2021/01/31/us/trump-election-lie.html?action=click&module=Spotlight&pgtype=Homepage

Europe's week: EU's vaccine row with AstraZeneca dominates

Biden faces presidency-defining dilemma over Republican offer on Covid-19 rescue plan

 


“The president must now evaluate whether the new Republican offer is a good faith opening bid in an effort to find common ground, or a bluff calling exercise that would cause lasting damage to a new President’s authority and political capital if he were to accept it.

 

And while Biden is keen prove his capacity to make divided Washington work, he knows he risks fracturing support from Capitol Hill Democrats if he significantly downsizes his own plan to win Republican support in the Senate.

 

“As leading economists have said, the danger now is not in doing too much: it is in doing too little. Americans of both parties are looking to their leaders to meet the moment,” White House press secretary Jen Psaki said in a statement on Sunday evening.

 

Prospects for cross party talks in the Senate are hardly rosy, as the chamber gears up for Trump’s impeachment trial next week in which it is already clear sufficient Republicans to avoid a two-thirds majority intend to acquit him over the most outrageous attack on the US government by a president in history.

 

Biden meanwhile will seek to keep up the momentum of his first few weeks in office with a major foreign policy address (rescheduled from Monday until later in the week owing to a snowstorm) and with new initiatives to tackle the jobs crisis.”



Biden faces presidency-defining dilemma over Republican offer on Covid-19 rescue plan

Analysis by Stephen Collinson, CNN

Updated 0611 GMT (1411 HKT) February 1, 2021

https://edition.cnn.com/2021/02/01/politics/joe-biden-coronavirus-congress-republicans-trump/index.html

 

(CNN)President Joe Biden will on Monday meet with 10 Republican senators who have drawn up a smaller counter-proposal to his $1.9 trillion Covid-19 rescue plan in the most critical test yet of his core promise to forge unity over bitter partisan lines.

 

But hopes for a rare bipartisan deal at the start of a new administration still look doubtful because the offer pushed by Republican Sen. Susan Collins of Maine and her colleagues has a potentially fatal catch. It is less than a third of the size of the economic shock treatment the White House says the nation needs.

Biden's original legislation proposes direct payments to most Americans and extends unemployment benefits until September as it seeks to plug a huge hole in the economy caused by the pandemic. It also raises the federal minimum wage to $15 an hour, fulfilling a major campaign promise. The plan provides hundreds of billions of dollars to expand Covid-19 testing, to improve the rollout of vaccines and to get kids back in school.

The President must now evaluate whether the new Republican offer is a good faith opening bid in an effort to find common ground, or a bluff calling exercise that would cause lasting damage to a new President's authority and political capital if he were to accept it.

And while Biden is keen prove his capacity to make divided Washington work, he knows he risks fracturing support from Capitol Hill Democrats if he significantly downsizes his own plan to win Republican support in the Senate.

While welcoming the willingness of the 10 Republicans to engage with the President, the White House is also subtly underscoring that a plan that is well short of Biden's ambitions will not be acceptable.

"As leading economists have said, the danger now is not in doing too much: it is in doing too little. Americans of both parties are looking to their leaders to meet the moment," White House press secretary Jen Psaki said in a statement on Sunday evening.

The senators said in a joint statement Sunday that they appreciated Biden's quick response to their proposal and had accepted an invitation to meet the President at the White House on Monday afternoon.

The intrigue over the Covid relief negotiations adds another high-stakes confrontation to an already tense and combative moment on Capitol Hill as the political forces that will shape the first two years of the Biden presidency emerge. Fierce mistrust between Democrats and Republicans in the House — over personal safety in the wake of the January 6 insurrection incited by former President Donald Trump -- means any hope of bipartisan negotiation on Covid relief is all but unthinkable. Trump's move to assert control over the House caucus, with his meeting last week with House Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy and his call over the weekend with QAnon supporter and Georgia Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene is sure to inject new poison into the political atmosphere.

And prospects for cross party talks in the Senate are hardly rosy, as the chamber gears up for Trump's impeachment trial next week in which it is already clear sufficient Republicans to avoid a two-thirds majority intend to acquit him over the most outrageous attack on the US government by a President in history.

Biden meanwhile will seek to keep up the momentum of his first few weeks in office with a major foreign policy address (rescheduled from Monday until later in the week owing to a snowstorm) and with new initiatives to tackle the jobs crisis.

Democrats ready to move despite GOP offer

Democratic leaders in Congress are this week already set to go down a route that would trigger a controversial budget procedure known as reconciliation to pass the $1.9 trillion rescue bill with no GOP votes — a move Biden critics would be sure to seize upon to argue that his offers of unity and negotiations are hollow. Reconciliation is a measure that allows the swift passage of laws related to the budget, spending and debt. It is controversial because it would allow Democrats to pass the package with a simple majority and get around Republican blocking tactics rooted in the 60-vote supermajority needed to get most legislation through the chamber.

The new President's dilemma is exactly the kind of scenario that he said on the campaign trail that he would be able to navigate with his decades of Senate experience. The extreme political circumstances in which his first significant dealmaking will take place explain why many key Washington players, on either side of the aisle have long been skeptical of his bipartisan aspirations.

With Democrats pushing to use their slender majorities in the House and Senate to act fast, Biden must also consider how to turn down any GOP bid he deems insufficient to avoid crushing any future cross party coalitions.

The Republican plan includes commitments from 10 senators — a sufficient number for the Senate to pass it under normal rules and for Biden to tout a rare victory that would unite a Democratic President and a significant group of GOP members. Utah Sen. Mitt Romney, Collins and Sen. Lisa Murkowski of Alaska on whom Biden hopes to coax into future bipartisan efforts are among senators who have signed up to the counteroffer.

Any hope for an agreement however probably rests on whether the Republican plan is an opening bid in a negotiation that could see its prize raise significantly or is a symbolic gesture that was never designed to succeed.

If that is the case, the Republican plan will come to look little more than an effort to ease pressure on the party to produce its own version of a credible rescue plan and a trap to split the new President from his party.

Speaking on CNN's "State of the Union" on Sunday, Brian Deese, the director of Biden's National Economic Council, said that the President's plan was a direct fit for the scale of the challenge facing the economy.

"We're in a unique crisis. And the elements of this plan really were designed and are designed to take on that crisis head on," Deese said, referring to the worst economic year since the aftermath of World War II, a million new first time unemployment claims, and 30 million Americans with too little food to eat.

On top of that dire reality, Deese also warned that the rescue plan needed to be sufficiently large to speed up the administration of vaccines to end the pandemic and to help millions of kids get back to school.

"We're certainly open to input from anywhere where we can find a constructive idea to make this package as effective as possible. But the President is uncompromising when it comes to the speed that we need to act at to address this crisis," Deese said.

Later on Sunday, after Biden met his advisers to discuss the relief package, a senior administration official said Biden was open to some negotiation but that the $600 billion Republican plan is "not going to scratch the itch."

Offering a carrot to the GOP group, the official told CNN's Pamela Brown that the President is specifically willing to discuss waiving stimulus checks for families making more than $150,000 per year.

One complication is that the smaller GOP plan would likely force the White House to return to Capitol Hill for new extensions in unemployment benefits in a matter of months — at a time when an already treacherous political climate will likely have worsened and will make agreement even more difficult to forge.

Initial indications were that Capitol Hill Democrats have little appetite for the GOP counterproposal at a time when many are warning that swift action is mandatory to stop the economy sliding into an even deeper hole.

Democratic Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer told the New York Daily News that the Republican offer was insufficient.

"They should negotiate with us, not make a take-it-or-leave-it offer," he said.

And Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders said on ABC News "This Week" that he believed Democrats had sufficient votes to pass the bill by using reconciliation.

Signs that bipartisanship will prove impossible

The gap between two conflicting visions of the size of the crisis and the measures that might fix it was on display when CNN's Dana Bash interviewed Ohio Sen. Rob Portman — who is among the 10 Republican senators who signed on to the smaller, alternative plan — on "State of the Union."

"It is extraordinary to me that you have a great speech ... at the inaugural, talking about the need to heal and the need for us to work together as a country, Republican and Democrat alike, and a pledge to do more outreach to Republicans, and then the next day landing on our desks a $1.9 trillion Covid-19 package, when, only a month ago, we passed a $900 billion Covid-19 package that was entirely bipartisan," Portman said.

Portman also criticized the potential use of reconciliation — even though Republicans used it in the last administration to push through Trump's massive tax cut bill and in an effort to invalidate the Affordable Care Act -- saying the move could tear the country apart.

Many Democrats however are likely to calculate that most Americans are hardly going to be alienated by an obscure parliamentary procedure. For them, passing the bill in its entirety without Republican support is not just vital to shore up a deeply destabilized economy but is a crucial moment that must be used to display Democratic power in Washington at the opening of the new presidency. And there will be concerns of a repeat of the scenario that played out during efforts to pass the ACA during the Obama administration. The former President spent time trying to accommodate some GOP goals -- a process that delayed the bill for months, but then the Republican Party rejected it anyway.

And unless Biden can persuade Republicans to significantly increase their offer, his own need to demonstrate his authority and to get to grips with a crisis that will define his presidency is likely to weigh against his hopes to win GOP votes he doesn't strictly need.

‘This path is untenable’: can the Republican party split with Trumpism?




‘This path is untenable’: can the Republican party split with Trumpism?

 

A path forward for the GOP is unclear when the former president still holds power over many of its lawmakers

 

Joan E Greve

@joanegreve

Mon 1 Feb 2021 08.00 GMT

https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2021/feb/01/republican-party-donald-trump-us-senate

 

Donald Trump may have left the White House, but his shadow still looms large in Washington and the Republican party as the Senate prepares for his second impeachment trial.

 

The 50 Republicans in the Senate are grappling with how to appease Trump’s supporters, who still make up a hefty share of the party’s base, while acknowledging that the former president incited the 6 January attack on the US Capitol.

 

The senators’ quandary underscores how Republican lawmakers remain tethered to Trump, even after his term in office has ended, and it raises questions about in which direction the party will move forward when so much of its base is still loyal to a president who oversaw the loss of both chambers of Congress and the White House.

 

Trump’s continued power over Republican lawmakers was on full display last week, as 45 senators voted to pre-emptively dismiss the impeachment trial. The senators avoided defending Trump’s behavior on 6 January, instead arguing that it was unconstitutional to impeach a former president.

 

“Impeachment is for removal from office, and the accused here has already left office,” said Rand Paul, who led the charge to dismiss the trial. The Kentucky Republican added that the trial would “drag our great country down into the gutter of rancor and vitriol”.

 

Assuming the 45 Republican senators who supported dismissing the trial also vote to acquit Trump, there is no chance that the former president will be convicted for incitement of insurrection. It would take 17 Republican senators, along with every Senate Democrat, to convict Trump.

 

Tara Setmayer, a conservative commentator who left the Republican party in November, described the senators’ support for dismissing the trial as “the most craven example” of Republican lawmakers’ unwillingness to stand up to Trump.

 

It's mind-boggling when you look at how many opportunities the party has had to take the exit ramp and get away from Trumpism

Tara Setmayer

 

“It really is mind-boggling when you look at how many opportunities the party has had to take the exit ramp and get away from Trumpism,” Setmayer said. “The result has become that the Republican party now is an anti-democratic, illiberal, pro-seditionist party.”

 

The problem for Republican lawmakers who may want to split with Trump is that the former president remains overwhelmingly popular with the party’s base. According to an NBC News poll taken after the Capitol attack, 87% of Republicans still approve of Trump’s performance as president. Reports that Trump has considered launching a third party have only intensified Republicans’ fears of being challenged from the right.

 

Trump’s popularity has left Republican lawmakers with three main options: stay in the former president’s good graces, leave office, or risk getting primaried by a Trumpian opponent. This dynamic played out last week, as one prominent Republican senator announced his retirement and a pro-impeachment congresswoman faced the threat of a pro-Trump primary challenge.

 

Senator Rob Portman, a Republican from Ohio, announced last Monday that he would not seek another term, raising Democrats’ hopes of flipping his seat next year. In a statement explaining his decision, Portman said, “We live in an increasingly polarized country where members of both parties are being pushed further to the right and further to the left, and that means too few people who are actively looking to find common ground.”

 

Three days after Portman’s announcement, congressman Matt Gaetz of Florida held a rally in Wyoming to rail against Liz Cheney, one of 10 House Republicans who voted to impeach Trump last month. Gaetz, one of Trump’s fiercest defenders in Congress, told a crowd of about 800 in Cheyenne, “We are in a battle for the soul of the Republican party, and I intend to win it.”

 

Trump loyalists like Gaetz are counting on the idea that the president’s popularity with the Republican base can carry them to victory, but that philosophy doesn’t have a successful track record. Since Trump took office in 2017, Democrats have taken control of the House, the Senate and the White House.

 

“Being negative and being against the liberals might be sufficient to win a couple of elections, but it’s not sufficient to form a governing coalition. Eventually you have to be for something, as well as against something,” said Henry Olsen, a senior fellow at the Ethics and Public Policy Center. “Right now, the American conservative voter base is divided on what they’re for, but they’re united on what they’re against.”

 

The ideological division among conservatives was evident in December, when Trump called for larger stimulus checks as part of a coronavirus relief package. The legislation passed by Congress included checks of $600 for most Americans, but the then-president said the payments should be much larger, up to $2,000.

 

That number was immediately rejected by the Senate Republican leader, Mitch McConnell, who refused to consider a House-passed bill that would approve the larger checks. But according to polling, 72% of Trump voters agreed with the former president that $600 checks were not sufficient.

 

“The Republican party has to come to grips with where the people who are open to voting for a conservative party are right now, and they’re actually on a host of issues closer to where Trump is than where the pre-Trump party was,” Olsen said.

 

Those policy differences have raised the question of whether the Republican party is on track to splinter, with one faction sticking with Trumpism and the other focusing on traditional conservative values such as small government and deficit reduction.

 

“There’s a healthy debate about, should we just let the Republican party wither and die on the Trumpism vine and start a new party? Because this path for the Republican party is untenable,” Setmayer said.

 

In that sense, Republican senators’ votes in the impeachment trial may provide some of the first clues as to how the party will navigate this ideological civil war. After all, if Trump is acquitted, he would be able to launch another White House bid in 2024, giving Republicans the opportunity to re-nominate the former president.

 

“There will be a lot to write about over the next four years on this topic,” Olsen said. “Impeachment will only be the beginning of this story, not anywhere close to the end.”


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