Why the
rise of a new far‑right party in Catalonia spells danger for the
Spanish government
Published:
December 10, 2025 12.31pm CET
Catalan
politics are now, it seems, a far cry from 2017’s infamous, unauthorised independence
referendum. It was violently repressed by national police forces, led to
widespread rioting, triggered a constitutional
crisis in Spain, and saw leaders like Carles Puigdemont flee the
country.
The 2024
regional elections were a stark contrast. For over a decade, Catalonia
had been governed by pro-independence parties – either Puigdemont’s right-wing
Junts or the left-wing ERC – but it was the PSC (the Catalan wing of Pedro
Sánchez’s Socialist party) who emerged as the largest force. They were able to
form a minority government with the support of ERC and the left-wing Comuns.
The procés,
as the push
for Catalan independence came to be known, had seemingly come to an
end.
But amid
this larger shift, a new party, Aliança Catalana (Catalan Alliance, AC),
entered the Catalan Parliament for the first time. Despite winning only two of
the region’s 135 seats in 2024, this new force is now exerting huge influence
over Catalonia’s – and by extension Spain’s – political landscape.
Post-procés politics
Aliança
Catalana is a far-right, pro-independence and explicitly anti-immigration
party. It is led by Sílvia Orriols, the mayor of Ripoll, a town of just over
10,000 inhabitants.
With just
1.5% of parliamentary representation, AC might look marginal, but it is not.
Its emergence signals a reconfiguration of Catalan politics after the procés,
and it is transforming the nationalist right, a political space traditionally
dominated by Junts.
For
years, Catalan parliamentary politics was effectively a single-issue affair.
Independence eclipsed almost everything else, including the disctinction
between left and right, which meant parties like Junts and ERC competed mainly
for leadership within the same pro-independence bloc.
As
the procés lost momentum – with neither unilateral
independence or a negotiated referendum to show for it – new issues have
entered the agenda. Immigration, security and identity now dictate Catalan
politics, much like in Spain and other
parts of Europe.
In this
new panorama, AC presents itself as a “purer” nationalist option: unambiguously
pro-independence, uncompromising toward the Spanish state, and openly hostile
to immigration, especially by Muslims. It has proposed an official
ban on face coverings, and allegedly blocked
migrants from accessing public services in Ripoll.
Recent
polling shows just how popular AC’s message has been. The latest survey from
Catalonia’s Centre for Opinion Studies places
AC tied with Junts in seats. Whether these figures materialise at the next
elections or not, the message is clear: AC is no longer a marginal player.
Catalan
Alliance campaigning in Molina square, Barcelona. Pere
López Brosa/Wikimedia Commons, CC BY-SA
Junts’
problem: reputation and competition
All
political parties compete for votes within an ideological
space, typically defined as a position the left-right axis. Their electoral
strength depends mainly on their reputation
and credibility among voters in their space, not specific policy
proposals.
When a
new party offers a clearer or more convincing message, it can push an
established party out of its space. This is what is happening to Junts, and to
countless other mainstream political parties.
After
more than a decade governing Catalonia and leading the procés,
Junts now finds itself in opposition in Barcelona and Madrid. In many ways it
has failed; independence was not achieved, and in 2023 it supported Pedro
Sánchez’s reappointment as PM in
exchange for political amnesty.
AC
capitalises directly on post-procés frustration. It presents itself
as a new force that is opposed to traditional nationalist parties like ERC and
Junts, but also unwilling to negotiate with Madrid.
Junts’
recent strategy suggests it is feeling the pressure. In October 2025, it “broke
off” relations with Pedro Sánchez’s ruling PSOE, but its support had
been wavering for
some time. Junts’ move was therefore not a sudden policy shift, but an attempt
to slow AC’s advance by appearing tougher, more confrontational and more
sceptical of negotiation with Madrid.
However,
by moving rightwards, particularly on immigration, Junts may legitimise the
agenda of the very party threatening to replace it.
The rise
of AC fits the broader international trend of right-wing authoritarian and
radical right forces becoming consolidated. A similar story is playing out in
Spanish national politics, where far-right party Vox has
reshaped competition and continues to push the PP (People’s Party) further
right. In Catalonia, AC is playing a similar role to Vox; it is challenging the
hegemony of a traditional, established right-wing party.
AC is
not identical to Vox. It is less conservative on some issues and rooted in
a distinct nationalist tradition, but ideologically it belongs to the radical
right: exclusionary, nativist and hostile to pluralism.
Immigration
plays a central role in this shift – as it becomes more salient, right-wing
parties feel increasingly comfortable setting the terms of debate, while the
left struggles to respond without internal tension. Catalonia is no exception.
Junts’
problem is the Spanish government’s problem
Spain’s
current government rests on a fragile parliamentary equilibrium. The PSOE
governs with Sumar, a leftist force that, despite its 2023 electoral success (3
million votes and 31 seats), is structurally weak. A hastily assembled
electoral coalition of more than a dozen parties, it has limited territorial
roots and got poor
results in the regional and European 2024 elections.
The PSOE
itself is also under strain, facing multiple
scandals affecting PM Pedro Sánchez and his inner circle.
With no new
budget passed since 2022, the government survives largely because there is
no viable parliamentary alternative. Additionally, it relies on the support of
regionalist and pro-independence parties, including Junts, who would all be
worse off under the most likely alternative: a PP-Vox coalition that would
consolidate power in Madrid.
Junts’
support for Sánchez’s government makes it a kingmaker – it would have to
approve any vote of no confidence or motion of censure.
Pressure
from AC revives Junts’ dilemma from 2023. Supporting a PSOE-Sumar
government reinforces its image as a collaborator with Madrid, but aligning
with the PP and Vox would be the same or worse. In both cases, AC benefits from
presenting itself as the only consistent nationalist option on the right.
A new
phase
As
support for the procés fades, Junts’ area of political
competition is shifting. It is no longer vying to lead the independence
movement, but to represent the Catalan nationalist right. This explains its
move toward tougher rhetoric on immigration and identity, which risks normalising
the far right and reshaping Catalan politics for good.
For now,
institutions remain stable. The left holds a narrow majority in the Catalan
Parliament, and it is important to remember opinion polls are not election
results. But the terrain is shifting.
AC’s
parliamentary debut signals the possible start of a new phase. While the procés defined
Catalonia for a decade, its aftermath may be marked by an altogether different
challenge: the rise of a nationalist far right, which could upend Spanish
politics.
A
weekly e-mail in English featuring expertise from scholars and researchers. It
provides an introduction to the diversity of research coming out of the
continent and considers some of the key issues facing European countries. Get
the newsletter!
DOI
https://doi.org/10.64628/AAO.9ntex7xm6
Laura
Hood
Politics
Editor & Assistant Editor, The Conversation UK
.jpeg)
Sem comentários:
Enviar um comentário