Opinion
Michelle
Goldberg
The MAGA
Crackup Might Finally Be Here
Nov. 17,
2025
Michelle
Goldberg
By
Michelle Goldberg
Opinion
Columnist
https://www.nytimes.com/2025/11/17/opinion/maga-republicans-trump-epstein.html
This
weekend, Donald Trump picked a fight with two Republicans in Congress and lost.
The
president has reportedly been apoplectic about a House vote, which could come
as soon as Tuesday, ordering the Justice Department to release its files on the
sex-trafficking financier Jeffrey Epstein. On Friday Trump attacked Thomas
Massie, the eccentric conservative who, along with the California Democrat Ro
Khanna, spearheaded a maneuver to bypass House leadership and force the Epstein
measure to the floor. Massie’s wife of three decades died unexpectedly last
year, and on social media, Trump mocked him for remarrying. “Boy, that was
quick!” he wrote, adding, “His wife will soon find out that she’s stuck with a
LOSER!”
Then, on
Saturday, Trump lashed out at Marjorie Taylor Greene, a MAGA die-hard who has
been loudly demanding transparency on Epstein, calling her, among other things,
a traitor.
Trump
seemed to be trying to dissuade other Republicans from voting yes on the
Epstein Files Transparency Act, which Khanna wrote. But many were still
planning to defect, with Massie predicting as many as 100 Republicans might
join him. Such defiance, Khanna told me, would show “how weak Trump’s hold is
becoming on his own caucus, and it may signal the beginning of the end of
Trump’s dominance.”
Perhaps
Trump agreed, because on Sunday night he reversed course, announcing that
Republicans should go ahead and vote for the release of the Epstein files. In
doing so, he avoided a humiliating public rebuke. What he cannot avoid,
however, is the growing disillusionment among conservatives with their deeply
unpopular lame-duck leader.
The last
wretched decade shows that reports of a MAGA crackup ought to be viewed
somewhat skeptically. There have, after all, been many moments when Trump
seemed to be losing his grip on the right, only for his hold to grow stronger.
But a few
things are different now. In his first term, Trump inherited a good economy
from Barack Obama, and the establishment Republicans who surrounded him
prevented him from tanking it with major trade wars or mass deportations. Much
of Trump’s base distrusted these figures, seeing them as part of a deep state
cabal trying to thwart his populist agenda. But they shielded the country from
at least part of the price of Trump’s erraticism.
This
time, however, Trump came into office with a much shakier economy, and,
unrestrained by Washington technocrats, has proceeded to make it worse, putting
the country in a sour mood. “The five-alarm fire is health care and
affordability for Americans,” Greene told Politico. “And that’s where the focus
should be.”
For a
while, Republicans could dismiss polls showing public unhappiness with Trump as
fake news. Such denial has become harder in the wake of this month’s elections,
in which Democrats made outsize gains virtually everywhere. As Axios has
reported, Republicans are now worried about the possibility of a Democratic
upset in a Tennessee district that Trump won by 22 points.
When a
president becomes a drag on his party, it can have a psychological effect on
partisans. Suddenly, flaws they’d barely registered come into focus. (Recall,
for example, how many Democrats refused to see Joe Biden’s age-related decline
until it became a political emergency.) We may never see a Republican stampede
away from Trump, but some of his supporters are experiencing a moment of
clarity about his character.
Even
before this weekend, many conservatives were livid about an interview he gave
to Laura Ingraham of Fox News explaining the need for H1-B visas, which
American employers use to hire foreign workers for certain high-skilled jobs.
The visas, Trump told Ingraham, were necessary to bring in talent. “We have
plenty of talented people,” Ingraham said. “No, you don’t,” Trump replied.
To many
Trump supporters, angry about both immigration and an increasingly bleak job
market, his words were a slap in the face. “We’ve never seen an administration
crash and burn in its first year so badly,” wrote Anthony Sabatini, a
Republican county commissioner in Florida.
A few
days later, Mike Cernovich, the “Pizzagate” conspiracy theorist and MAGA
influencer, posted a surprising critique of the administration. During a visit
to Washington, he wrote, “the talk of everyone was how overt the corruption
was. It’s at levels you read about in history books.” Many, he said, were
asking, “Do people just think Democrats will never win and they’ll all get away
with this?”
Now, no
remotely savvy person can be surprised by this White House’s epic graft. When
Trump was riding high, his acolytes appeared to enjoy watching his vulgar
profiteering trigger Democrats. But as Trump burns up political capital on
personal enrichment, some on the right might be starting to suspect that it’s
not just the libs being owned.
It was
against this backdrop of conservative disaffection that Trump rebuked Greene
and Massie. Many right-wing influencers reacted with unusual fury, some posting
images of burning MAGA hats. Trisha Hope, a Texas Republican who was at Trump’s
rally on Jan. 6, wrote that she was no longer entertained by Trump, and was
“beginning to find him repulsive.” Scott Morefield, a columnist for the
right-wing site Townhall, called Trump’s posts “cruel in a way that should make
any human with basic empathy question what kind of human he is.”
It would
be easy here to make a crack about leopards eating faces. But in the past, when
Trump has turned on Republicans, his base has tended to follow. Trump ended the
political careers of Senator Jeff Flake of Arizona, once a darling of the Tea
Party; Bob Good, former chair of the right-wing House Freedom caucus; and his
own first vice president, Mike Pence. His inability to stand up to Greene and
Massie suggests that something has changed.
Trump’s
grudging endorsement of the Epstein Files Transparency Act is kind of absurd,
since he could, if he wanted, simply instruct the Justice Department to release
the files. Even if Khanna’s bill passes the House, Trump will have levers to
thwart the files’ disclosure. Republicans might kill the measure in the Senate,
where it needs 60 votes. Last week, under pressure from Trump, the Justice
Department announced an investigation into prominent Democrats who’ve been
associated with Epstein, and the administration may say it needs to keep the
files under wraps while that inquiry is open.
But even
if the files never come out, it’s increasingly clear that the MAGA coalition is
fragmenting. On Monday, I asked Morefield how significant he thought the
fissures in the movement were. “I think it’s pretty serious,” he said. “Epstein
really started it. It was like the crack in the dam, I think.”
Even if
the dam holds for a while longer, we can now see how brittle it is.


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