Elon Musk
Helped Elect Trump. What Does He Expect in Return?
The world’s
richest man gave his money and time in campaigning for the president-elect and
now is putting in his requests for a friendlier regulatory environment.
Eric Lipton Kirsten Grind David A. Fahrenthold Theodore Schleifer
By Eric
Lipton Kirsten Grind David A. Fahrenthold and Theodore
Schleifer
The
reporters have written extensively about Elon Musk and his business
relationships.
Published
Nov. 6, 2024
Updated Nov.
7, 2024, 2:19 p.m. ET
https://www.nytimes.com/2024/11/06/us/politics/elon-musk-trump-benefits.html
Even before
Donald J. Trump was re-elected, his best-known backer, Elon Musk, had come to
him with a request for his presidential transition.
He wanted
Mr. Trump to hire some employees from Mr. Musk’s rocket company, SpaceX, as top
government officials — including at the Defense Department, according to two
people briefed on the calls.
That
request, which would seed SpaceX employees into an agency that is one of its
biggest customers, is a sign of the benefits that Mr. Musk may reap after
investing more than $100 million in Mr. Trump’s campaign, pushing out a
near-constant stream of pro-Trump material on his social media platform, X, and
making public appearances on the candidate’s behalf across the hard-fought
state of Pennsylvania.
The outreach
regarding the SpaceX employees, which hasn’t been reported, shows the extent to
which Mr. Musk wants to fill a potential Trump administration with his closest
confidants even as his billions of dollars in government contracts pose a
conflict to any government role.
Mr. Musk and
executives at SpaceX and Tesla, his electric-vehicle company, did not respond
on Wednesday to requests for comment. A spokesman for Mr. Trump’s transition
team also did not respond to a request for comment.
The six
companies that Mr. Musk oversees are deeply entangled with federal agencies.
They make billions off contracts to launch rockets, build satellites and
provide space-based communications services.
Tesla makes
hundreds of millions more from emissions-trading credits created by federal
law. And Mr. Musk’s companies are facing at least 20 recent investigations,
including one targeting a self-driving car technology that Tesla considers key
to its future.
Now, Mr.
Musk will have the ear of the president, who oversees all of those agencies.
Mr. Musk could even gain the power to oversee them himself, if Mr. Trump
follows through on a promise to appoint him as head of a government efficiency
commission. Mr. Trump has told Mr. Musk that he wants him to bring the same
scalpel to the federal government that he brought to Twitter after he bought
the company and rebranded it as X. Mr. Musk has spoken of cutting at least $2
trillion from the federal budget.
The effect
could be to remove, or weaken, one of the biggest checks on Mr. Musk’s power:
the federal government.
“All of the
annoying enforcement stuff goes away,” said Stephen Myrow, managing partner at
Beacon Policy Advisors, a firm that sells corporations daily updates on
regulatory and legislative trends in Washington.
Hal Singer,
an economist who has advised parties filing antitrust challenges against
technology companies and also is a professor at the University of Utah, said
that Tesla and SpaceX can expect less scrutiny from the Justice Department.
“They are
unlikely to go after Elon — Trump’s D.O.J. won’t,” he said. “Abstain from
investigating your friends, but bringing cases that investigate your enemies —
that is what we saw during the first Trump administration.”
Change of
Heart
On the
campaign trail, Mr. Trump made clear that Mr. Musk was already reshaping his
views. He once railed against government efforts to promote electric cars, the
heart of Tesla’s business. Not anymore.
“I’m for
electric cars,” Mr. Trump said in August, after Mr. Musk first endorsed Mr.
Trump’s re-election effort the month before. “I have to be, because Elon
endorsed me very strongly.”
Mr. Trump
also made it clear in recent interviews that he would use his executive power
to help out Mr. Musk.
“We have to
make life good for our smart people,” Mr. Trump said at a rally in Michigan in
July, continuing, “and he’s as smart as you get.”
Already, on
Wednesday, Mr. Musk’s wealth surged by $20 billion as Tesla’s stock rose in the
aftermath of the election, bringing his total net worth to $285 billion,
according to an estimate by Forbes.
Tesla
benefits from a $7,500 tax credit for electric-vehicle purchases, which helps
bring down the cost of buying one of its cars. Tesla last year also earned
$1.79 billion from carbon credits, according to its most recent annual report.
It sells the credits to other car manufacturers whose fleets do not meet
emission limits imposed by the federal government, as well as to the European
Union, California and China.
Changes to
the tax credit given to new car buyers and to the federal emission standards on
new cars could impact the benefits Tesla receives, though its competitors
General Motors and Ford need the credit even more than Tesla, economists and
regulatory
lawyers said.
Mr. Musk has
had a much more contentious relationship with President Biden, who snubbed him
and his car company in 2021 when he invited all the big carmakers to an
electric vehicle summit and did not include Tesla, one of the largest at the
time. Mr. Musk has repeatedly complained about the slight since then.
The biggest
ties to the federal government among Mr. Musk’s operations are with SpaceX,
which just last year secured $3 billion in new federal government commitments
and a total of about $11 billion in contracts over the five years.
But Mr. Musk
is seeking more.
His allies
in Congress and at the Federal Communications Commission have already
challenged a decision by the commission to revoke a plan to offer SpaceX an
$856 million subsidy to provide broadband internet service in rural parts of
the United States. The effort was led in part by Brendan Carr, a Republican
commissioner at the F.C.C. He has championed Mr. Musk and SpaceX on his social
media feed in recent months, even intervening in Mr. Musk’s battle with the
government of Brazil over X, even though the social media company is not in Mr.
Carr’s purview. (Starlink, which was caught up in the dispute, is.)
Mr. Carr did
not immediately return a request for comment.
House
Republicans recently started an investigation into the F.C.C.’s position on the
rural internet request, suggesting that the agency’s decision might be
reconsidered if Republicans take control of the commission, as is likely once
Mr. Trump is sworn in.
Unexciting
Moon Missions
SpaceX also
holds huge contracts with the Defense Department, so many that Pentagon
officials have grown concerned that they are over-reliant on Mr. Musk’s company
for rocket launches.
“Having a
good friend in the White House could be a very good thing for Tesla and
SpaceX,” said Scott Amey, general counsel at the Project on Government
Oversight, a group that monitors federal contracting, particularly at the
Pentagon. “You have to worry about decisions that are not best for taxpayers
when you have those kinds of cozy relationships.”
At NASA,
which also has large contracts with SpaceX, Mr. Musk may press for the agency
to adopt his longstanding obsession with travel to Mars, in place of its
current ambitions to return to the moon. Mr. Trump has previously expressed
support for such a move.
“Hey, we’ve
done the moon,” Mr. Trump said back in 2019, during his first term as
president. “That’s not so exciting.”
Currently,
NASA expects to spend a total of $93 billion between 2012 and 2025 on this moon
mission, called Artemis. There have already been calls to re-evaluate this
commitment, which includes a contract with SpaceX of up to $4.4 billion for two
landings on the moon.
The most
concrete evidence of Mr. Musk’s efforts to reshape the agencies he does
business with are his efforts to install his employees in the Defense
Department. People familiar with those efforts said Mr. Musk recommended two
SpaceX employees — a retired Air Force general and a government-affairs
executive — as possible hires.
Among the
SpaceX executives who have been recommended by Mr. Musk, Gen. Terrence J.
O’Shaughnessy, an adviser who is retired from the Air Force, and Tim Hughes, a
government affairs executive, are among Mr. Musk’s closest advisers, according
to one of the people briefed. Mr. Hughes did not return a request for comment
and Mr. O’Shaughnessy could not be reached.
The role
that Mr. Musk could play for Mr. Trump could be similar to what another tech
mogul, Peter Thiel, played for Mr. Trump eight years ago. Mr. Thiel seeded the
transition team, and eventually the government, with several of his top allies
and Mr. Musk likely would have the same opportunity, given Mr. Trump’s
admiration for him.
Mr. Musk has
already met with Howard Lutnick, the leader of Mr. Trump’s transition team.
Several of Mr. Musk’s closest friends in politics, such as the tech investors
David Sacks, Joe Lonsdale and Ken Howery, have publicly or privately said that
they would be open to helping the Trump administration, according to their
public comments or people who have spoken with them. Mr. Lonsdale declined to
comment.
What seems
clear is that Mr. Musk will likely see some kind of a return for his efforts to
help Mr. Trump secure a second term. The weeks and months ahead will give
greater clarity about what those benefits will be.
“He was
going to do fine either way,” Mr. Myrow of Beacon Policy Advisors said. “But he
definitely does better under Trump. It was probably worth his investment.”
Ryan Mac and
Jack Ewing contributed reporting.
Eric Lipton
is an investigative reporter, who digs into a broad range of topics from
Pentagon spending to toxic chemicals. More about Eric Lipton
Kirsten
Grind is an investigative business reporter writing stories about companies,
chief executives and billionaires across Silicon Valley and the technology
industry. More about Kirsten Grind
David A.
Fahrenthold is an investigative reporter writing about nonprofit organizations.
He has been a reporter for two decades. More about David A. Fahrenthold
Theodore
Schleifer is a Times reporter covering campaign finance and the influence of
billionaires in American politics. More about Theodore Schleifer
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