The
Guardian view on the budget: Rachel Reeves must have a narrative, not just
numbers
Editorial
Any
chancellor can fire off forecasts, policies and measures, but the most
impactful governments back it up with a bold political vision
Sun 27 Oct
2024 18.30 GMT
Among the
most famous definitions of narrative comes from EM Forster. “The king died and
then the queen died” is a story, he said, while “The king died and then the
queen died of grief” is a plot. The first merely recounts events, while the
second smuggles in cause; it elicits a reader’s curiosity and empathy.
Doubtless
Rachel Reeves will have much on her mind this close to her first budget, but
once at the dispatch box she would do well to remember some Forster. Any
chancellor can unleash a barrage of numbers and forecasts, tarmac an A-road or
scrap a tax relief – or discover both a huge black hole in funding alongside a
handy new measurement of government debt. But the most consequential
governments have also offered a big political narrative.
From Nigel
Lawson to Gordon Brown to George Osborne, the major chancellors set out their
diagnoses of the ills of the economy and a prescription for how to fix things,
along with their prognosis. Whether right or wrong, their ideas were at least
clear and coherent. Whitehall officials and voters alike understood what they
were aiming at. Britain’s first female chancellor fits many of the criteria to
be an important one. Ms Reeves is smart and experienced, and the new government
commands a huge majority. The chancellor is nothing if not ambitious, comparing
her plans to Labour’s greatest budgets. She also comes armed with a diagnosis.
The core
issue that Ms Reeves plans to tackle is low investment, which she dubs “the new
‘British disease’”. Only by raising investment, the chancellor argues, will the
UK decarbonise the National Grid, build the industries of the future and allow
workers to do more with less. In this spring’s Mais lecture, Ms Reeves
mentioned “invest” or “investment” 39 times, far more than “spend” or
“spending”, or indeed “Labour”.
Yet in the
election campaign, Labour majored on “economic stability” and “tough spending
rules” (number one on its pledge card). Once in government, it has been almost
silent on how and when and to what scale this investment will happen, outside
an investment summit in London that largely served as an opportunity for big
businesses to reaffirm their existing plans. As Kate Alexander-Shaw of the
London School of Economics argues in the latest issue of the journal Renewal,
this leaves Labour in a curious position of having “a prescription at odds with
the diagnosis”. Ms Reeves is concerned about low-skilled workers, yet investing
in skills counts as day-to-day spending which, under her own rules, is tightly
constrained.
Easing those
rules will allow the government to implement more substantial policies, and the
chancellor was right last week to find extra budgetary room to borrow and
build. Given that this week’s headlines will be about big tax rises and
spending cuts, this will provide some relief on a difficult day. Beyond
Whitehall accounting, however, lies a larger issue of political strategy. For
four decades, the prescriptions issued by administrations of right and left
have been for a smaller or more tightly bound state, but the implication of Ms
Reeves’ diagnosis is that the state must be bigger and more active. Following
through on that would mark a historic break in British politics, both
economically and electorally. With its landslide win and huge majority, after
years of failed austerity, this Labour government is amply entitled to make
that change.
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