Boris Johnson looks for love on the world stage
British prime minister embraces the ‘speed dating’ of
diplomacy to escape domestic woes.
BY ESTHER
WEBBER
June 29,
2022 4:02 am
https://www.politico.eu/article/boris-johnson-nato-g7-love-world-stage/
LONDON,
KIGALI and MADRID — As Boris Johnson departed London last week for an epic
foreign tour spanning two continents and three world summits, he already seemed
weary of the baggage he was carrying with him.
Addressing
the traveling U.K. press pack at the start of the eight-day trip, the British
prime minister lacked some of his familiar spark. The usual verbal hand
grenades were not deployed.
By that
stage Johnson knew the first leg of his journey, to a Commonwealth Heads of
Government summit in Rwanda, would be overshadowed by two scenes of domestic
conflict: an ugly row between Downing Street and Clarence House — the home of
Prince Charles — over Johnson’s flagship immigration policy, and a double
helping of by-election defeats for the Conservative Party back in the U.K.
On the
plane an aide articulated what many suspected, that Johnson wanted to use the
CHOGM, G7 and NATO summits to return to a heavy focus on Ukraine — a foreign
policy area which has been his safe space in a year dominated by questions over
his personal integrity.
But the
fallout from the disastrous by-election losses — the defeat in Tiverton,
south-west England, being the heaviest his party has ever suffered — has dogged
him throughout the trip, with rumors swirling back home of an organized attempt
by rebel Tory MPs to force a second challenge to his leadership.
As a
consequence, Johnson’s battle to keep the focus off his dire domestic troubles
has met with varying degrees of success. And as ever, his propensity for
eye-catching, off-the-cuff remarks proved both his greatest asset and his
deadliest enemy.
Arriving in
Madrid Tuesday for a summit of NATO leaders — the final leg of his journey —
Johnson walked straight into a fresh domestic row, this time with members of
his own Cabinet over the U.K.’s defense spending commitments. Aides said he
will spend the rest of the week trying to switch the focus on to the need for
NATO partners to increase their own spending. It’s a familiar cycle, repeated
over and over again throughout the trip.
Diplomatic
speed dating
On paper, a
long-delayed Commonwealth leaders’ summit had looked like the perfect chance
for Johnson to shine on the world stage. The 54-member organization, many of
which have historical ties to the U.K. as former colonies, hold a particular
attraction for a leader politically invested in international cooperation
outside the EU.
Discussing
the Africa free trade area in a speech to African foreign ministers, Johnson
could not resist a swipe at the trading bloc Britain recently left behind. “I
remember the U.K. helped to found the European free trade area many years ago,”
he said. “(It) then got taken over by something called the European Union … but
never mind that.”
Johnson’s
diplomacy, such as it is, relies heavily on personal magnetism; a legendary ability
to draw people in when up close. A U.K. diplomat recalled of Johnson’s time as
foreign secretary: “He did have star power. People suddenly wanted to meet the
British foreign secretary again, because everyone knew Boris Johnson. He was a
political celeb.”
Yolande
Makolo, a Rwandan government spokesperson, suggested the dynamic still holds
true. “Of course,” she said. “Everybody knows Boris.”
As always,
humor was deployed to good effect. A bilateral meeting with the notoriously
austere Rwandan President Paul Kagame was described as “upbeat” by two people
present, who said Kagame even cracked a smile at times.
Johnson
shared a joke with Jamaican PM Andrew Holness about which man looked more like
James Bond in their dinner jackets. An aide described Johnson’s diplomatic
style as a kind of “speed dating.”
The love I
lost
But if the
prime minister was hoping for an endless love-in on his escape from domestic
duties, he would be disappointed.
In Kigali,
one of Johnson’s first engagements was an audience with Prince Charles, an
awkward prospect after the future monarch privately condemned the U.K.’s plan
to send asylum seekers to Rwanda as “appalling.” The prime minister had
initially sought to play things down, telling journalists he could not be sure
the prince had even made the attributed remarks.
But
Johnson’s attempts at restraint did not survive contact with the litany of
media interviews required of an extended foreign trip. Within 24 hours the PM
had reignited the row, telling TV reporters he would “of course” defend the
immigration policy when he met with the prince.
One person
present at the interview said Johnson appeared to realize immediately — but too
late — the trouble his comments were likely to cause. Clarence House reacted
furiously, having agreed to present a united front. Downing Street did not deny
the two camps were hurriedly in touch following the interview.
Yet in
private, Johnson was unrepentant. The same Downing Street adviser quoted above
contrasted the weight of pressure on the PM on multiple fronts with the
(assumed) lighter duties of the prince and his aides, noting drily that Johnson
had limited time to spend on “humoring men in tights.”
And while
the by-election losses in Wakefield and in Tiverton on the first night of the
trip may have been priced in by travelling aides, Tory MPs back home were still
deeply unsettled by the scale of the anti-government vote. The morning after
proved a rougher dawn in Kigali than expected, thanks to the shock resignation
of Johnson’s party chairman, Oliver Dowden.
Again,
Johnson attempted a sober response, trotting out his lines about focusing on
the real challenges facing the U.K. and the world. Again, the façade could not
be maintained for long.
Pressed by
reporters about his clouded future, Johnson replied boldly that he planned to
lead Britain through the next two general elections and on into the 2030s. Tory
MPs back home, already baying for blood, were unimpressed.
Asked what
had become of the adulation Johnson once enjoyed from both his party and the
wider public, a No. 10 official told journalists: “He gets that here — but not
from you lot.”
Blame game
Such
comments form part of a pattern that has seen Johnson and his allies blame his
current woes upon the media’s reporting of the so-called Partygate scandal — an
ironic outcome for a former journalist who is used to being able to play the
press like a fiddle.
It also
lays bare Johnson’s transparent quest for love on the world stage while things
fall apart at home.
At the G7
summit in Bavaria earlier this week, Downing Street had seemingly sought
‘strongman’ headlines following Johnson’s meeting with French President
Emmanuel Macron, briefing journalists that the PM had delivered clear warnings
about not bowing down to Russia.
But in
truth the meeting was more of a love-in, with a back-slapping Johnson turning
on the charm and avoiding all difficult subjects — even nodding along with
Macron’s plan for a two-speed Europe that might one day see Britain join an
outer circle.
“Prime
Minister Johnson showed lots of enthusiasm,” the Elysse said afterward. “He was
just being polite,” Downing Street sources quietly explained. British tabloids
dubbed the meeting “Le Bromance.”
And while
Johnson chases adulation on the world stage, his climate-focused policy agenda
risks being left on the sidelines.
The U.K.’s
COP26 team — so recently at the wheel of the global discussion on climate
change — had to watch from London as leaders at the G7 eroded some of the wins
achieved in Glasgow last year, not least demands supported by Germany’s
Chancellor Olaf Scholz to invest in gas infrastructure. However, Johnson was
able to resist some of the most damaging changes.
Certainly
Johnson wasn’t pushing the agenda forward, despite the U.K. being the official
U.N. climate presidency for most of this year. On Sunday evening, Johnson
skipped the relaunch of a major green infrastructure push he himself had
fostered as G7 chairman the year before. While seven out of the nine leaders
attended, Johnson was busy trying to patch up his relationship with Macron.
It may be —
given the prime minister’s unique character — that efforts to separate his
domestic troubles from his adventures abroad were ultimately always doomed.
Karl
Mathiesen and Cristina Gallardo contributed reporting.
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