quinta-feira, 1 de abril de 2021

Infrastructure Year: Dems brace for brutal slog to pass Biden’s $2.5T plan




WHITE HOUSE

Infrastructure Year: Dems brace for brutal slog to pass Biden’s $2.5T plan

 

Republicans are already balking and preparing a messaging campaign against the package.

 

By MARIANNE LEVINE, SARAH FERRIS and MELANIE ZANONA

03/31/2021 07:14 PM EDT

https://www.politico.com/news/2021/03/31/infrastructure-problems-biden-478785

 

President Joe Biden’s first big legislative package sped through Congress. The next one could take at least half a year to pass — if it can get to his desk.

 

Biden and Hill Democrats on Wednesday began a months-long sprint to pass a $2.5 trillion bill to shore up the nation’s physical infrastructure, paid for by hiking taxes on corporations. Republicans are already balking, dismissing Biden’s attempted outreach as disingenuous, and preparing a messaging campaign against the package that will almost certainly force Democrats to go it alone as they juggle competing wish lists from their members across the ideological spectrum.

 

Absent a seismic political shift, Speaker Nancy Pelosi and Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer will have to draft a sprawling bill that can only afford to lose three Democratic votes in the House and zero in the Senate. Because Democrats are expecting to use their budget powers to steer the bill past a Senate filibuster, Biden’s infrastructure plan would also need to survive a slew of procedural hurdles that could further split the party.

 

“Three votes. Three votes," Rep. Emanuel Cleaver (D-Mo.) said in an interview. “It's tough in the House with how tight things are, but I think it will be approved. ... I don't mean it will be approved easily and people will be laying outside on the grass while the vote's going on, sipping on iced tea. It's going to be hard work."

 

The infrastructure debate amounts to a political ultra-marathon for Biden and his Democratic-led Congress, a stark contrast with the mostly breezy path to approving Biden’s $1.9 trillion pandemic relief bill. Party leaders will be under immense pressure from their base to deliver, while also protecting the political future of their most endangered members, some of whom are already anxious about GOP attacks on proposed tax hikes, ahead of the midterm elections.

 

Pelosi has privately told her caucus that she aims to get the package through the House by the Fourth of July — an aggressive timeline that would give leadership roughly six weeks in session to finish assembling the package and secure the votes. Some senior Democrats are already warning that timeline could slip.

 

“The bigger it is, the more finesse you’ve got to have,” centrist Rep. Henry Cuellar (D-Texas) said in an interview. “Highways, infrastructure? Easy. Water projects? Easy. How you pay for it? Let’s take a look. And if you start adding climate? Well, what exactly are you talking about?”

 

Democrats so far have mostly praised the package, though some are already itching to put their own stamp on the bill. And with local projects at the center of the package, virtually every lawmaker will become a de facto lobbyist for their home-state priorities, from the $10 billion-plus Gateway Tunnel in New York to the $2.5 billion replacement for Cincinnati's Brent Spence Bridge.

 

"I’m sure I’m like a lot of Democrats: I want to make sure that Virginia’s needs are taken care of in a package like this," said Sen. Tim Kaine (D-Va.). "Every Democrat will be asking about the same thing.”

 

Senate Finance Committee Chair Ron Wyden (D-Ore.) pointed to Biden's proposal to expand broadband access as one area he wanted to see accelerated. But, he stressed, lawmakers need to act as quickly as possible: “I believe that Congress needs to get it done this year."

 

Biden’s rollout appeared designed to appeal to the GOP, and the president called Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell ahead of the formal unveiling. But Republicans say the White House is just paying lip service to Biden's bipartisanship pledge — or trying to redefine it altogether. The president's party muscled its Covid relief bill through Congress without a single GOP vote, marketing the package as bipartisan because it polled well with 75 percent of voters.

 

Democrats haven't fully given up on getting GOP votes for the infrastructure effort; several, including Kaine, said they would keep trying. But even if Schumer uses the filibuster-proof protections of the budget process to pass the massive bill, Senate rules may stop him from getting Biden's complete proposal to a floor vote.

 

Perhaps the biggest elbow Biden’s infrastructure package throws at Republicans is its move to pay for new spending on roads, bridges and clean energy by partly undoing their 2017 tax cut bill, their signature legislative accomplishment in the Trump era. Texas Rep. Kevin Brady, the House Ways and Means Committee's top GOP member, said the proposed business tax hikes are a non-starter for Republicans and only served as more proof that Biden isn’t serious about attracting their support.

 

“Democrats don’t give a flip discussing infrastructure with Republicans,” Brady said in an interview, or else they “would not have proposed a business rate that is worse than China and equal to Syria and France.”

 

“It is a major economic blunder,” he added.

 

Democrats defended Biden’s plan to pay for the package as only a partial easing of the corporate tax cuts the GOP passed. The White House's proposal would raise rates to a level that's still lower than the 35 percent corporate tax that Republicans slashed in 2017.

 

“If you talk to many of those in corporate America ... I think the 28 percent corporate tax structure does not take away their competitiveness on a global scale,” Rep. Gregory Meeks (D-N.Y.) said in an interview, noting that the tax rate set under Trump was “far too low.”

 

But it's not just the proposal's tax hikes that frustrate the GOP. Wyoming Sen. John Barrasso, the top Republican on the Energy and Natural Resources Committee, called the plan an “out-of-control socialist spending spree” and urged Biden to look at a bipartisan highway bill instead.

 

Biden’s first legislative rollout focused on the $2.5 trillion infrastructure plan, though his administration has told lawmakers that it will unveil the second phase in two weeks. That follow-up measure will include an expansion of healthcare access, including the Affordable Care Act, and other social welfare programs. Democrats have not yet decided whether to combine those two plans into a single package on the floor, though some Democratic Hill sources said it's likely his best chance to get both priorities passed.

 

Bringing every Democrat aboard such a legislative ocean liner won't be easy, and some fissures within the party are already beginning to surface.

 

The head of the Congressional Progressive Caucus, Rep. Pramila Jayapal (D-Wash.), said the bill fell short and called for it to be “substantially larger in size and scope.” But across the Capitol, an aide to a progressive senator noted that the package includes several priorities for the left, including child care, the electrification of vehicles and the corporate tax hike.

 

Repealing the Trump-era limit on state and local tax deduction — known as the SALT deduction — could also be a point of contention for a handful of blue-state House Democrats.

 

Rank-and-file Democrats are especially eager to flex their muscles in the upcoming infrastructure debate, after a largely top-heavy process to assemble the Covid relief bill. After Biden took office, Democrats faced immense pressure to fall in line so they could deliver his first legislative victory while also providing much-needed pandemic aid to the country. But the dynamic is different this time around, some lawmakers said.

 

“The first package was obviously a pandemic, an emergency. It was his first ask. It was wildly popular,” said one Democratic lawmaker, who spoke candidly on condition of anonymity. “This one, it’s different territory.”

 

Biden has dramatically stepped up his outreach to the Hill ahead of his formal unveiling on Wednesday night.

 

A cadre of White House officials — economic adviser Brian Deese, along with Housing and Urban Development Secretary Marcia Fudge, Labor Secretary Marty Walsh, Commerce Secretary Gina Raimondo, Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg andEnergy Secretary Jennifer Granholm — all briefed lawmakers Wednesday on the plan. The Biden administration held a separate briefing for a bipartisan group of moderates in the House and Senate.

 

And while Democrats are aiming to make substantial progress by the summer, even White House aides acknowledged that getting the plan shaped into law will take time.

 

“We’re willing to go through the process and have conversations on the Hill,” said White House Deputy press secretary Karine Jean-Pierre. “We’re just going to see how it goes.”

 

Laura Barrón-López and Nicholas Wu contributed reporting.


Cortez Hails Biden Infrastructure Bill As Good Start; Pitches Bigger Inv...

Gaetz runs the Trump playbook for scandal: Keep talking, and talking

 



CONGRESS

Gaetz runs the Trump playbook for scandal: Keep talking, and talking

 

One thing the former president proved is that unless you're Donald Trump and sit in the White House, his strategy doesn't work as well.

 

Ever since the first report that he faced a Department of Justice investigation into potential trafficking of an underage girl, Rep. Matt Gaetz has channeled the former president as he tries to explain the inquiry away. |

 

By KYLE CHENEY and MATT DIXON

03/31/2021 05:32 PM EDT

https://www.politico.com/news/2021/03/31/gaetz-trump-playbook-scandal-478740

 

A person in serious legal jeopardy tends to, per their lawyer’s advice, shut up. Matt Gaetz is handling his current problems a little differently.

 

Trying to deflect from the threat of a federal criminal investigation for potential trafficking of a minor, Gaetz raced to Twitter, Fox News and other outlets seeking maximum exposure — a flood-the-zone approach reminiscent of Donald Trump’s strategy for talking his way through scandal. And so the GOP congressman from Florida, to the bewilderment of legal experts, made himself unavoidable for comment as the threat to his political career began to metastasize.

 

"My hope is that the truth will set me free, so I'm trying to get as much truth out as possible,” Gaetz, who represents a Florida panhandle district, said in an interview Wednesday.

 

It’s an unorthodox strategy that former prosecutors and defense attorneys described as dubious and perhaps even counterproductive, since Gaetz's interviews this week risk handing fodder to prosecutors as they build a possible trafficking case against him. But Gaetz's path, they said, is well-worn by politicians who are more concerned about the court of public opinion than the courtroom — none more visibly than the former president whose politics Gaetz has championed.

 

“It would seem to me that he is digging himself a deeper hole,” David Weinstein, a former assistant U.S. attorney from the Southern District of Florida, said of Gaetz. “His statements yesterday seem to have given credence to the allegations, not defeated them.”

 

Ever since the first report that he faced a Department of Justice investigation into potential trafficking of an underage girl, Gaetz has channeled the former president as he tries to explain the inquiry away. One of Gaetz's claims is eerily similar to Trump's response to the federal probe of his ties to Russia: It's all part of a DOJ-orchestrated smear, the congressperson says, meant to silence a prominent conservative.

 

Other Gaetz responses served as further distractions, all without definitive proof or refutation of the trafficking allegation he faces: It’s an elaborate extortion plot, he says, meant to bilk his wealthy family of millions. Oh, and DOJ once attempted to convince a previous romantic interest to pin him with a pay-for-play scandal, he adds.

 

And by the way, Gaetz says, his dad was planning to wear a wire to catch the current extortionists, one of whom had a bizarre request related to freeing an American hostage in Iran.

 

Thus went the first 24 hours of Gaetz’s ongoing media blitz, which began minutes after The New York Times broke the first story about the trafficking probe.

 

Along the way, he admitted that he’s ferried romantic interests across state lines, paying for their travel, but he insisted the young women were all of legal age and that he was simply being chivalrous. Those comments, legal experts said, run counter to the typical defense strategy of denying allegations and lay low.

 

There's a world in which this strategy could be effective, said William Jeffress, who represented former Dick Cheney aide Scooter Libby against leak charges — but it can also backfire.

 

"An aggressive, let-it-all-hang-out strategy can be very effective if one is very sure of the evidence that’s going to come out. If the tapes back up Gaetz on the extortion claim, he could be vindicated, even if testimony by the teenager is incriminating (as I have to believe it is, since DOJ opened an investigation)," Jeffress said. "But if the extortion claim is unconvincing, his credibility is shot and his problem is more serious than it needed to be."

 

But one thing the Trump era also proved is that unless you're Donald Trump and sit in the White House, his strategy doesn't work as well.

 

“You never know the strength of the government’s case or all the specifics of the government’s investigation. You could end up unnecessarily admitting to a key fact or making a false exculpatory statement,” said Sol Wisenberg, a white-collar criminal defense lawyer and former deputy in Ken Starr’s independent counsel office. “However, public officials and celebrities often decide to take this risk for the sake of career survival.”

 

To be sure, Gaetz has fiercely denied the allegations against him. “I’m not seeking a pardon. I’ve not done anything improper or wrong,” Gaetz told Tucker Carlson on Tuesday night. The sophomore GOP lawmaker later told POLITICO that he had not asked his ally Trump for a pardon before the former president left office.

 

But in casting himself as the victim of a plot against conservatives, Gaetz omitted the fact that the investigation into him began during the tenure of Trump-era Attorney General Bill Barr, who instituted new policies requiring any probe of a candidate for office to be briefed to the attorney general himself. Barr had given the inquiry at least a tacit blessing last summer and, sources said, avoided a private meeting with members of the House Judiciary Committee last year in part to avoid running into Gaetz.

 

Legal experts said Gaetz’s strategy was befuddling in part because he has now publicly admitted to a central element of the case against him — that he paid for women to cross state lines — even if he says it was in pursuit of legitimate romantic interests. In addition, in his rush to deflect from the news, Gaetz may have damaged any ongoing extortion investigation by exposing it.

 

Gaetz said the inquiry into the alleged extortion plot was already destroyed when sources told The New York Times about the pending investigation into his conduct.

 

Trump, of course, turned the be-everywhere post-scandal strategy into a personal brand. As his presidency careened from one crisis to another — including several that posed clear legal risk to Trump himself — the then-president would flail, deflect and even attempt to turn the tables on those pursuing him, accusing them of criminal conduct or worse. Leaning heavily on friendly media outlets, Trump would buy time and air cover until he could weather the chaos of the moment.

 

For example, Trump blasted Justice Department officials who had sway over the investigation of his campaign's ties to Russia. He slammed judges who ruled against him in key 2020 election cases. And he famously derided Stormy Daniels as "horseface" as details of a Trump-approved payoff to silence her about their affair began to emerge.

 

So far, Gaetz continues to enjoy the support of his GOP colleagues. Rep. Jim Jordan (R-Ohio) told reporters he believes Gaetz’ denial. And Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene (R-Ga.), a Trump disciple herself who's no stranger to conspiracy theories, billed the case against Gaetz as part of a long-running propaganda battle against undisclosed enemies.

 

“Remember all the conspiracy theories and lies like Trump/Russia collusion and propaganda that the media has spread around,” Greene tweeted. “Take it from me rumors and headlines don’t equal truth. I stand with @mattgaetz.”

 

House GOP Leader Kevin McCarthy said he would keep Gaetz on his committees — including the Judiciary Committee, which oversees the FBI and DOJ — unless the allegations prove “true.”

 

“Those are serious implications,” McCarthy said on Fox News Wednesday. “If it comes to be true, we would remove him. Right now he says it is not true, and we don't have any information. Let's get all the information.”

 

 

 

House rules, though, require lawmakers to relinquish their committee posts if they face felony indictments.

 

The extortion attempt Gaetz alleges does appear to have credence, born out by emails that show Gaetz and his father were working with the FBI to expose the scheme. Nonetheless, that effort has little bearing on whether the trafficking case against Gaetz ultimately bears out.

 

It's unclear if Gaetz, an attorney, has hired a lawyer to represent him in the matter. But if he does, it's easy to predict what one might say.

 

“Most lawyers would advise a client under investigation to remain silent,” said Barb McQuade, a former U.S. attorney from the Eastern District of Michigan.

Barr Avoided Gaetz After Repeated Briefings On The Investigation: Politi...

Matt Gaetz Is Said to Face Justice Dept. Inquiry Over Sex With an Underage Girl

 



Matt Gaetz Is Said to Face Justice Dept. Inquiry Over Sex With an Underage Girl

 

An inquiry into the Florida congressman was opened in the final months of the Trump administration, people briefed on it said.

 

Michael S. SchmidtKatie BennerNicholas Fandos

By Michael S. Schmidt, Katie Benner and Nicholas Fandos

March 30, 2021

https://www.nytimes.com/2021/03/30/us/politics/matt-gaetz-sex-trafficking-investigation.html?searchResultPosition=1

 

Representative Matt Gaetz, Republican of Florida and a close ally of former President Donald J. Trump, is being investigated by the Justice Department over whether he had a sexual relationship with a 17-year-old and paid for her to travel with him, according to three people briefed on the matter.

 

Investigators are examining whether Mr. Gaetz violated federal sex trafficking laws, the people said. A variety of federal statutes make it illegal to induce someone under 18 to travel over state lines to engage in sex in exchange for money or something of value. The Justice Department regularly prosecutes such cases, and offenders often receive severe sentences.

 

It was not clear how Mr. Gaetz met the girl, believed to be 17 at the time of encounters about two years ago that investigators are scrutinizing, according to two of the people.

 

The investigation was opened in the final months of the Trump administration under Attorney General William P. Barr, the two people said. Given Mr. Gaetz’s national profile, senior Justice Department officials in Washington — including some appointed by Mr. Trump — were notified of the investigation, the people said.

 

The three people said that the examination of Mr. Gaetz, 38, is part of a broader investigation into a political ally of his, a local official in Florida named Joel Greenberg, who was indicted last summer on an array of charges, including sex trafficking of a child and financially supporting people in exchange for sex, at least one of whom was an underage girl.

 

Mr. Greenberg, who has since resigned his post as tax collector in Seminole County, north of Orlando, visited the White House with Mr. Gaetz in 2019, according to a photograph that Mr. Greenberg posted on Twitter.

 

No charges have been brought against Mr. Gaetz, and the extent of his criminal exposure is unclear.

 

Mr. Gaetz said in an interview that his lawyers had been in touch with the Justice Department and that they were told he was the subject, not the target, of an investigation. “I only know that it has to do with women,” Mr. Gaetz said. “I have a suspicion that someone is trying to recategorize my generosity to ex-girlfriends as something more untoward.”

 

Mr. Gaetz called the investigation part of an elaborate scheme involving “false sex allegations” to extort him and his family for $25 million that began this month. He said he and his father, Don Gaetz, had been cooperating with the F.B.I. and “wearing a wire” after they were approached by people saying they could make the investigation “go away.” Mr. Gaetz claimed the disclosure of the sex trafficking inquiry was intended to thwart an investigation into the extortion plot.

 

In a second interview later Tuesday, the congressman said he had no plans to resign his House seat and denied that he had romantic relationships with minors. “It is verifiably false that I have traveled with a 17-year-old woman,” he said.

 

Representatives for the Justice Department and the F.B.I. declined to comment, as did a spokeswoman for the U.S. attorney’s office in Central Florida.

 

Mr. Greenberg pleaded not guilty last year and was sent to jail this month for violating the terms of his bail. He is scheduled to go on trial in June in Orlando.

 

A frequent presence on Fox News and other conservative media, Mr. Gaetz has recently mused with confidants about quitting elected politics and taking a full-time job with the conservative television channel Newsmax or another network, according to a person familiar with the conversations. Axios first reported on Tuesday that Mr. Gaetz was considering leaving Congress.

 

Mr. Greenberg maintained ties to controversial figures who have supported Mr. Trump, an examination of court records, social media posts and far-right websites showed. A website run by a member of the far-right group the Proud Boys and a network of fake social media accounts linked to Mr. Trump’s longtime political adviser Roger J. Stone Jr. have promoted false accusations about Mr. Greenberg’s rivals similar to rumors that prosecutors accused Mr. Greenberg of secretly trying to spread.

 

It was not clear how Mr. Greenberg knew either Mr. Gaetz or Mr. Stone. He posted a selfie with both in 2017, tweeting, “Great catching up.” The following year, Mr. Gaetz expressed support for Mr. Greenberg’s successful bid for local office, predicting he would someday make a great member of Congress.

 

On Capitol Hill, Mr. Gaetz has embraced the role of villain to the left as much as he has served as one of Mr. Trump’s staunchest defenders and enablers, often with theatrical flair. He wore a gas mask on the House floor last year in the early days of the pandemic, insisting he was demonstrating concern for public safety amid accusations he was mocking the seriousness of the spread of the coronavirus.

 

Mr. Gaetz was first elected to Congress in 2016. As a member of the Florida State Legislature and the scion of a Republican political family, he had initially backed former Gov. Jeb Bush of Florida in the Republican presidential primary that year before hitching his political fortunes to Mr. Trump.

 

It paid off. He won a seat in Congress representing part of the Florida Panhandle, and as one of Mr. Trump’s most flamboyant supporters on Capitol Hill and on cable television, his profile skyrocketed.

 

 

Mr. Gaetz invited a right-wing Holocaust denier to the State of the Union address in 2018, and attended an event last year where he said the Proud Boys had provided security, though he has distanced himself from the group on his podcast. When Democrats moved in 2019 to impeach Mr. Trump for the first time, Mr. Gaetz and a phalanx of Republicans following him barged past Capitol Police into the secure rooms of the House Intelligence Committee to briefly break up the investigation into the president.

 

After Mr. Trump’s defeat last year, Mr. Gaetz once again rallied to his side, defending the president’s baseless claims of widespread election fraud. Mr. Gaetz helped organize efforts among lawmakers to challenge President-elect Joseph R. Biden Jr.’s victory during Congress’s certification of it on Jan. 6 that was disrupted for hours by a pro-Trump mob that stormed the Capitol. Mr. Gaetz later traveled to Wyoming to hold a rally against Representative Liz Cheney, a Republican leader who had voted to impeach Mr. Trump for inciting the riot.

 

In 2017, Mr. Gaetz was the only member of Congress to vote against a law that gave the federal government more power and money to fight human trafficking.

 

“Voters in Northwest Florida did not send me to Washington to go and create more federal government,” Mr. Gaetz said in a local television interview at the time. “If anything, we should be abolishing a lot of the agencies at the federal level.”

 

Mr. Gaetz’s personal life has gained attention before. Last summer, he announced that he had a son, Nestor Galban, 19, though Mr. Gaetz said he was not Mr. Galban’s biological father, nor had he adopted him. Mr. Galban had been 12 when they met and had come to the United States from Cuba; Mr. Gaetz was at the time dating Mr. Galban’s sister.

 

“He is a part of my family story,” Mr. Gaetz told People magazine in June. “My work with Nestor, our family, no element of my public service could compare to the joy that our family has brought me.”

 

Mr. Gaetz is now engaged to an analyst named Ginger Luckey, 26, whom he proposed to at Mr. Trump’s Mar-a-Lago club on Dec. 30.

 

It was unclear how investigators in the Greenberg case began examining Mr. Gaetz’s conduct. Last June, federal prosecutors secured an indictment against Mr. Greenberg, accusing him of stalking a political rival.

 

Around that time, federal authorities seized Mr. Greenberg’s phone and laptop, according to court records. They discovered evidence that Mr. Greenberg, whose job responsibilities included issuing licenses, was creating fake identification cards for himself and a teenage girl, and was experimenting with holograms used on permits for concealed firearms, according to court documents.

 

Two months later, he was indicted on the sex trafficking charge. From May to November 2017, prosecutors said, Mr. Greenberg targeted the girl, who was between 14 and 17, saying he “recruited” and “solicited” her for sex acts in exchange for unspecified perks or favors.

 

Mr. Greenberg worked in advertising before running successfully at the age of 31 in 2016 for tax collector in Seminole County.

 

Within days of taking office, he fired three employees who had supported his predecessor and began spending more than $1.5 million in taxpayer money on personal expenses, including guns, ammunition, body armor and a drone, as well as on computers for his own cryptocurrency venture, a county audit later revealed.

 

The following year, according to The Orlando Sentinel, Mr. Greenberg posted a photograph of himself on social media with Milo Yiannopoulos, a right-wing personality who has a history of making racist remarks. The newspaper also detailed Mr. Greenberg’s own misogynist and anti-Muslim comments on Facebook.

 

In his bid for re-election, Mr. Greenberg turned in late 2019 to clandestine tactics to undermine a possible rival, according to court papers. Prosecutors said he sent an anonymous letter to the school where one potential candidate worked that made unfounded accusations of sexual misconduct with a student and making similar claims on a fake Facebook account.

 

As the primary race intensified last summer, similar messaging began appearing on fake social media accounts that have been tied to Mr. Stone.

 

“Watch out Seminole county,” said someone named April Goad on Facebook, warning Floridians “don’t open your door” to the rival candidate, according to Graphika, a company that specializes in analyzing social media.

 

The post linked to an article about the rival published on Central Florida Post, a website controlled by Mr. Stone’s associates that had written favorable articles about Mr. Greenberg. The website was founded by a member of the Proud Boys who has been linked to security providers for Mr. Stone on Jan. 6 in Washington in the lead-up to the insurrection at the Capitol.

 

Mr. Greenberg’s re-election efforts quickly evaporated when he was first indicted last June, and he resigned a day later.

 

Kitty Bennett and Susan C. Beachy contributed research.

 

Michael S. Schmidt is a Washington correspondent covering national security and federal investigations. He was part of two teams that won Pulitzer Prizes in 2018 — one for reporting on workplace sexual harassment and the other for coverage of President Trump and his campaign’s ties to Russia. @NYTMike

 

Katie Benner covers the Justice Department. She was part of a team that won a Pulitzer Prize in 2018 for public service for reporting on workplace sexual harassment issues. @ktbenner

 

Nicholas Fandos is congressional correspondent, based in Washington. He has covered Capitol Hill since 2017, chronicling two Supreme Court confirmation fights, two historic impeachments of Donald J. Trump, and countless bills in between. @npfandos

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