News
Analysis
Trump
Looks for a Silver Bullet to End the Iran War. There May Be None.
The
president is trying to ratchet up the economic pressure on Tehran, but Iran’s
government is unlikely to make a deal without a big, face-saving compromise.
Steven
Erlanger
By Steven
Erlanger
Steven
Erlanger, based in Berlin, has covered Iran since the Islamic revolution of
1978-79.
https://www.nytimes.com/2026/05/05/world/middleeast/trump-blockade-iran-war.html
May 5,
2026, 2:47 p.m. ET
President
Trump keeps looking for the magic formula that will deliver him victory in
Iran.
First was
the airstrike last June intended, he said, to “obliterate” Iran’s nuclear
program. Then came the intense February air campaign carried out with Israel
and designed, he said, to deliver regime change and a popular uprising. Then he
bet on a blockade of Iranian shipping to end the Iranian stranglehold on the
Strait of Hormuz.
Now, in a
new effort to break Iran’s control over the strait, Mr. Trump has announced a
plan with few details to help guide stranded ships out through it. Iran
responded on Tuesday with missiles and drones, and given the risks, most
tankers are unlikely to dare crossing the strait for now.
But Mr.
Trump’s conviction that these tactics will bring about Iran’s capitulation is
deeply flawed, officials and analysts say. They say it is a misreading of the
Islamic Republic’s strategy, psychology and capability for adaptation. The
Iranian government believes that it has the upper hand for now, and that it can
withstand economic pressure, as it has in the past, longer than Mr. Trump can
tolerate rising energy prices brought about by the halting of traffic through
the strait.
If
anything, Iran’s positions have hardened. But Mr. Trump’s tactics have not
changed.
“At every
point when pressure has not delivered the intended result, he’s sought a new
tool of coercion which he believed would magically conjure victory,” said Ali
Vaez, Iran project director for the International Crisis Group. “He always
believes he’s one little turn of the screw away.”
Pressure
can work over time, “but pressure without an open door is an exercise in
futility,” Mr. Vaez said. “Trump doesn’t understand that no matter the
pressure, so long as you don’t give them a face-saving way out and a mutually
beneficial agreement — not capitulation or surrender — you won’t get a deal.”
Experts
are dubious that time will work in Mr. Trump’s favor.
The
United States “can certainly do more damage to the Iranian economy, but they
have withstood more pressure than any other economy in history, and that hasn’t
produced the collapse of the regime or more reasonable positions,” said Suzanne
Maloney, an Iran specialist and director of the foreign policy program at the
Brookings Institution.
Iran is
such an authoritarian state that the kind of political drivers that might push
compromise don’t exist, she said, with the regime already executing protesters
on a regular basis. Mr. Trump, too, seems uninterested in compromise for now,
despite the economic pain from high energy prices.
In any
case, she said, “I’m skeptical that the blockade will succeed in the time frame
we would need for the global economy and for Trump’s prospects in the midterm
elections.”
For his
part, Mr. Trump told reporters in Washington on Tuesday that the American
blockade of the Strait of Hormuz had been “amazing,” saying that “nobody’s
going to challenge the blockade.” He also reiterated his claim that “Iran wants
to make a deal,” but he said its leaders were “playing games” by talking to him
and then saying on television that they had not.
The
conflict is a test of wills between Iran and the United States. The two sides
have only limited knowledge of one another, having rarely been in the same room
with one another, said Sanam Vakil, director of the Middle East and North
Africa program at Chatham House. “They have culturally very different
approaches to deal-making and they talk past each other,” she said.
“I think
President Trump doesn’t really understand what drives the Iranians,” she added.
“They don’t make decisions based on their GDP, because if so, they would have
done a deal years ago.”
Although
the economic stakes are high for Iran, Mr. Trump appears to have miscalculated
how dire they are. He seems to be betting that Iran’s capacity to store the oil
it is pumping but cannot export will soon run out and force Tehran to make
major concessions.
“If they
don’t get their oil moving, their whole oil infrastructure is going to
explode,” Mr. Trump said late last month, adding, “They say they only have
about three days left before that happens.”
That was
an obvious overstatement. Oil experts believe Iran has at least several weeks
before it must stop pumping. Iran, which was exporting some 1.81 million
barrels of oil in April, can reduce its production while continuing to store
oil in empty or older tankers, which can hold an estimated two million barrels
each, shipping some of it by road and rail to Pakistan.
During
Mr. Trump’s first term, Iran ramped down production to about 200,000 barrels a
day without significant damage to its oil infrastructure.
“Iran is
not particularly close to even starting” to shut down its wells, said Brett
Erickson of Obsidian Risk Advisors. Sanctions and the blockade will move the
needle, but “there is no feasible scenario by which they will produce the
necessary result in a feasible timeline” for Mr. Trump, he said, one reason the
president is now trying his new plan to break Iran’s blockade.
Even if
the war ends today, Mr. Erickson said, “it will be multiple months before
things return to normal.”
In the
past, strong American and international sanctions on Iran’s economy and oil
industry did eventually bring it to negotiate. Years of talks did finally led
to the 2015 Iran nuclear deal, when Iran agreed to strict limits on its nuclear
enrichment program for more than a decade in return for the lifting of most of
those harsh economic sanctions.
Iran kept
to the deal. But Mr. Trump, in his first term, abandoned it in 2018 and
reimposed severe economic sanctions in a policy called “maximum pressure,” to
force Iran to negotiate a more restrictive agreement. Despite severe economic
hardship and Iran’s decision to sharply reduce its oil output, there was no new
nuclear deal.
A year
later, after European signatories failed to work around American sanctions,
Iran began to breach the enrichment limits. Since then, Iran has produced
enough highly enriched uranium at close to weapons-grade to build an estimated
10 nuclear weapons, should it decide to do so. That stockpile of some 440
kilograms is believed to be intact, and Iran now says that it will not
negotiate anything about its nuclear program until current hostilities end and
it has guarantees they will not resume.
Quiet
talks with the Americans continue as the regime sees this moment of impasse as
a chance to solve its longstanding conflict with the United States. But that is
different than caving under coercion.
Iran
would like a deal, but its leaders believe that surrender to pressure only
invites more pressure in the future, Mr. Vaez said. So Iran wants to retain its
hold on the strait and charge tolls to pay for reconstruction, not trusting any
American president to provide sanctions relief. “They don’t want to survive the
hot war to freeze in a cold peace,” he said.
Steven
Erlanger is the chief diplomatic correspondent in Europe and is based in
Berlin. He has reported from over 120 countries, including Thailand, France,
Israel, Germany and the former Soviet Union.


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