sexta-feira, 2 de setembro de 2016

Câmara de Lisboa quer mais restaurantes na ala oeste do Terreiro do Paço


Câmara de Lisboa quer mais restaurantes na ala oeste do Terreiro do Paço

Liliana Borges
01/09/2016 – 18:00

Ministério da Defesa cedeu espaço ao município por 380 mil euros. Os imóveis serão colocados a concurso brevemente.
A Ala Oeste da Praça do Comércio estava até agora ocupada pelo Ministério da Defesa

O Terreiro do Paço vai ter mais restaurantes e projectos de animação cultural. As intenções foram anunciadas esta quinta-feira durante a assinatura de um auto de cedência à Câmara Municipal de Lisboa do piso térreo da Ala Oeste da Praça do Comércio, que estava sob propriedade do Estado. Os imóveis, que ocupam uma área de 338 metros quadrados, ficarão agora sob posse da autarquia durante os próximos 45 anos, numa cedência que custou ao município 387,3 mil euros.

O autarca socialista detalhou que os espaços agora cedidos à câmara deverão ser concessionados e “podem ser projectos na área da restauração, utilização de espaço livre, de restaurantes, de esplanadas”, mas também projectos de natureza cultural, recorrendo ao exemplo do Lisbon Story Centre, um centro interpretativo da história da capital, localizado na ala oposta da Praça do Comércio.

Fernando Medina sublinhou que o projecto de requalificação do Terreiro do Paço, “foi um processo iniciado há vários anos pelo presidente António Costa” e acredita que “foi, sem dúvida, o projecto que mais transformou a Baixa da cidade de Lisboa e que mais contribuiu para o desenvolvimento do turismo”. Fernando Medina lembrou a complementaridade das intervenções no Terreiro do Paço com o espaço da Ribeira das Naus e as obras no Campo das Cebolas e no Cais do Sodré.

Sem se comprometer com datas, Medina diz que está para “breve” a entrega dos espaços cedidos e que estes serão requalificados após a abertura dos concursos para a sua atribuição. O processo de requalificação "será integrado dentro do contrato com a Associação Turismo de Lisboa e, muito possivelmente, as obras serão feitas pela Associação Turismo de Lisboa ou como responsabilidade dos concessionários que vierem a ocupar estes espaços", adiantou o presidente da câmara.

O autarca referiu ainda que o município está interessado em obter outros espaços para sua propriedade, mas quis manter “em segredo” quais os imóveis em questão.

Segundo o despacho publicado em Diário da República no dia 24 de Agosto, o presidente da Câmara Municipal de Lisboa, Fernando Medina, “manifestou, junto do Secretário de Estado da Defesa Nacional, o interesse do Município na cedência desta parte do imóvel, por a considerar essencial, por um lado, ao prosseguimento do trabalho de devolução à cidade dos espaços térreos do Terreiro do Paço”, numa carta enviada a 21 de Janeiro deste ano. No mesmo documento é destacada ainda a intenção do município em "promover a requalificação e adaptação do Torreão Poente da Praça do Comércio para Núcleo do Museu de Lisboa".

De acordo com o secretário de Estado da Defesa Nacional, Marcos Perestrello, também presente na cerimónia, o centro de recrutamento do Exército instalado na Ala Oeste do Terreiro do Paço irá "para o antigo Comando Militar de Lisboa, junto da Praça de Espanha".

Marcos Perestrello vê "muito bem" esta cedência, pois "a praça precisava da parte final desta Ala Ocidental do Terreiro do Paço para completar os espaços de usufruto por parte do público". Além disso, o secretário de Estado destaca que se trata também de “um esforço de reorganização do Exército, de racionalização dos custos” que beneficiarão “de uma receita importante para a modernização das infra-estruturas" com o protocolo celebrado.

A estratégia económica do Governo está a falhar? Três economistas respondem / A política anti-investimento - Helena Garrido

A política anti-investimento

Helena Garrido
1/9/2016, 7:27

A economia portuguesa está de novo a afundar. A evolução do investimento tem de ser a maior preocupação. Um problema que o investimento público não resolve.

A previsão do Governo para o crescimento da economia está seriamente ameaçada. A produção teria de aumentar cerca de 2% na segunda metade do ano, face ao primeiro semestre, para chegarmos à subida de 1,8% projectada no Orçamento do Estado para 2016. Impossíveis não há, mas parece altamente improvável. O cenário mais provável, neste momento, é o de crescermos menos este ano do que em 2015.

O retrato que o INE nos fornece da evolução da economia nos primeiros seis meses deste ano é desanimador. O consumo privado, uma das principais apostas do Governo de António Costa para reanimar a economia, perdeu ímpeto. Poderemos até considerar um factor positivo. Os consumidores estão a ter um comportamento racional. Mas precisávamos de outro factor de crescimento, o investimento. O que não está a acontecer.

Depois de dez trimestres consecutivos de crescimento, o investimento está a cair desde o início do ano. Porque é que isto está a acontecer? Esta deveria ser a pergunta que o Governo devia responder, sem preconceitos ideológicos. E alterar a sua política em função dessas respostas. O folclore político não ajuda.

Há várias hipóteses para a queda do investimento, que não sendo mutuamente exclusivas podem, pelo contrário, reforçar-se. Vamos começar por tentar encontrar factores exteriores à governação.

A situação em Angola e no Brasil, o estado do tempo que prejudicou a construção no início do ano, a concentração de investimento no fim do ano passado na compra de carros após anos de adiamento, a decisão do Reino Unido de sair da União Europeia e a incerteza no sector bancário. Eis alguns exemplos que podem explicar a queda do investimento por antecipação ou adiamento dos projectos. E que nada têm a ver com a governação.

Em contrapartida temos acontecimentos que poderiam reforçar o investimento. Entre eles estão a dinâmica da economia espanhola apesar da crise política, a actividade turística reforçada pelo horror do terrorismo em França e na Alemanha e a atractividade que Portugal poderia ter por ser um país seguro. Tudo factores que poderiam induzir a subida do investimento e que também não estão nas mãos do Governo.

Vamos admitir que os factores que afundam o investimento são mais fortes do que aqueles que o dinamizam. É uma hipótese forte. Aproveitar a recuperação da economia espanhola pode não exigir mais investimento, impondo apenas reorientação do que se produz. No sector do turismo temos já as grandes infra-estruturas hoteleiras. E tudo o que, hoje em dia, atrai mais os turistas está associado a pequenos projectos que exigem muitos, mas pequenos investimentos.

Resta explorar os factores de atractividade de Portugal, que agora se reforçam com a insegurança que abala alguns países do centro da Europa. E aí as políticas dos governos já são importantes. Foi nesse vector que, lamentavelmente, António Costa cometeu os seus maiores erros, que agora pode estar a pagar.

O maior problema da política económica deste Governo está longe de ser a aposta no consumo para dinamizar o crescimento. Está antes nas medidas e no discurso que afugenta o investimento de que precisamos, quer nacional como estrangeiro. Dinamizar a economia portuguesa era já uma tarefa difícil. Quando se soma a isso alterações no IRC, anulações de acordos nas concessões dos transportes e na venda da TAP e uma retórica que se aproxima perigosamente da estatização da vida portuguesa, o mais racional é adiar projectos de investimento ou ir investir noutras paragens.

É uma ilusão pensar que os fundos comunitários do Portugal 2020 ou o investimento público vão trazer os projectos de que precisamos para um crescimento saudável com emprego e produção.

O investimento por iniciativa do Estado já entrou, há muito, na parte da curva dos rendimentos decrescentes, se não mesmo negativos. TGV’s, pontes ou mais estradas vão dar dívida sem gerar o rendimento para a pagar. Já temos um peso suficientemente elevado de projectos financiados com dívida, que são ruinosos e explicam em grande parte o estado em que estão as contas públicas e os bancos.

O investimento em educação, de que precisamos, tem um retorno a longo prazo que o Governo também tem desprezado, com o facilitismo que imprimiu na política educativa. Neste domínio apenas esperamos que não se cometam os mesmos erros do passado, quando a Parque Escolar andou a gastar milhões quando podia gastar milhares na recuperação de escolas.

Os fundos comunitários que alimentam tantas esperanças também há muito tempo que têm efeitos mais negativos do que positivos. Os investimentos que financiam acabam por ser menos rentáveis do que poderiam ser se o dinheiro fosse dos donos dos projectos.

O que precisamos são de projectos de investimento com dinheiro que saia em boa parte do bolso de quem investe e que envolva a entrada de estrangeiros. Nada disso está a acontecer.

Quando um Governo opta pelo discurso anti-empresário, anti-lucro ou anti-privado deveria explicar quais as consequências dessa estratégia. Podemos escolher ter só empresas e projectos empresariais do sector público, é uma opção. Não parece que seja essa a escolha de António Costa. Sendo assim colocou-nos no pior dos mundos: nem temos público nem privado.

Por mais que se queira encontrar outras razões, a principal e mais importante explicação para a queda do investimento está na política económica que este Governo escolheu. E sem investimento não há o crescimento de que precisamos.

A estratégia económica do Governo está a falhar? Três economistas respondem

Sérgio Aníbal
01/09/2016 – 19:47

Ricardo Paes Mamede, João Borges de Assunção e Augusto Mateus dão a sua opinião sobre o que podem significar os resultados económicos obtidos na primeira metade do ano e de que forma se relacionam com a política seguida pelo Governo.

Depois de apresentar um programa económico em que as medidas de reposição dos rendimentos concentraram quase todas as atenções, o Governo assistiu na primeira metade do ano a um crescimento económico que fica consideravelmente abaixo das suas projecções iniciais, com a procura interna a desacelerar no segundo trimestre.

Os responsáveis do Executivo assumem que os resultados ainda não são os pretendidos, mas garantem que há sinais de retoma, especialmente ao nível do emprego, e acreditam que a aceleração da execução dos fundos comunitários vai ajudar. A oposição, pelo contrário, defende que é a estratégia económica seguida pelo Governo que está a conduzir à estagnação da economia e ao afundar do investimento.

Três economistas, a pedido do PÚBLICO, dão aqui a sua opinião, respondendo à pergunta:

Os dados publicados pelo INE que dão conta de uma manutenção do ritmo de crescimento, com abrandamento da procura interna, significam que a estratégia seguida pelo Governo para a retoma económica está a falhar ou é demasiado cedo para se chegar a essa conclusão?


João Borges de Assunção, professor na Católica Lisbon

“Parece-me que ainda é cedo para tirar conclusões definitivas baseadas nos dados divulgados pelo INE. Quem considera que a estratégia é desadequada tem dados adicionais de suporte. Mas quem considera que a estratégia é a correta não vê sinais suficientemente fortes para concluir que está errada e atribui a quase estagnação a factores externos. E acha que os efeitos positivos na conjuntura da reposição de rendimentos e da redução do IVA da restauração ainda não tiveram tempo de se manifestar nos dados.

O mais preocupante é a fragilidade do investimento
João Borges de Assunção

Ainda assim, o dado que me parece mais preocupante é a fragilidade do investimento (FBCF), que em termos reais está a cair em termos homólogos 3,1% e 0,1% em cadeia. Em termos nominais as quebras do investimento são ainda mais desfavoráveis. Com uma contracção homóloga de 3,8% e de 0,9% em cadeia. O risco de haver uma contracção real do investimento este ano é significativo. Parece-me que, em termos de gestão da conjuntura, a recuperação do investimento deveria ser a principal prioridade para além da continuação da consolidação orçamental e da estabilização do sistema financeiro".

Ricardo Paes Mamede, professor do ISCTE

"A estratégia originalmente anunciada não corresponde à que foi implementada: o estímulo à procura interna ficou parcialmente comprometido em Fevereiro, como resultado das negociações com a Comissão em torno do OE2016. Ainda assim, o consumo foi a única componente da procura final que cresceu mais em Portugal do que na UE no primeiro trimestre, o que sugere que o efeito existe (vamos ver o que se passou em termos comparados no segundo trimestre).

A estratégia originalmente anunciada não corresponde à que foi implementada
Ricardo Paes Mamede

Quem diz que a 'estratégia falhou' aponta também a fraca evolução das exportações líquidas e do investimento. Quanto às exportações líquidas, há três efeitos que têm de ser considerados na análise do primeiro semestre: 1) a queda das exportações para Angola (que ultrapassam o valor total da quebra das exportações; as exportações para a Europa aumentaram 4%); 2) a paragem da refinaria da Galp; e 3) a antecipação de compra de automóveis por questões fiscais. Os dois primeiros factores nada têm a ver com o “modelo” em causa. O terceiro deverá ser um efeito temporário, como sugerem os indicadores da ACAP sobre vendas mensais de automóveis.

Quanto ao investimento, o pior que se pode dizer é que a 'estratégia' deveria ir muito mais longe, pois parece que o investimento público está a ser contido para cumprir metas orçamentais (o que pode ser ultrapassado se o Portugal 2020 arrancar em força, com taxas de co-financiamento europeu elevadas)".

Augusto Mateus, ex-ministro da Economia

"Há duas grandes razões para que não consigamos ter um crescimento dependente da procura interna. O primeiro é a dimensão da economia portuguesa. Não é possível satisfazer os níveis de rendimento que são desejados com a dimensão que a economia portuguesa tem. A segunda razão é a dificuldade que existe em Portugal de compreender a crise de produtividade. É que não é uma crise de esforço ou de falta de vontade de trabalhar, nem sequer é uma crise só de eficiência. É uma crise da própria qualidade dos factores produtivos, como o laboral, e um problema de alocação de recursos. Temos recursos a mais em actividades que não crescem.

Para a economia portuguesa não se trata de pô-la a crescer tal como ela é
Augusto Mateus

Por isso, para a economia portuguesa não se trata de pô-la a crescer tal como ela é. Tem de se fazer algo diferente. A prioridade deve ser garantir que o investimento que é feito tem como resultado uma mudança da especialização da economia e uma maior participação na globalização. O problema é que há um défice colossal de política económica. É preciso política económica, não pode ser apenas política financeira.

As medidas seguidas pelo Governo ao nível dos rendimentos são compreensíveis e têm um papel muito importante para garantir que o crescimento que surja seja para todos e não só para alguns. Mas esse é um segundo passo. E, fundamentalmente, não são um motor de crescimento, são medidas de coesão social".

'Plastered by the gringo': Trump meeting a public relations disaster for Peña Nieto



Donald Trump told Mexican president Enrique Peña Nieto on Wednesday that the US has the right to build a border wall to halt illegal immigration, but did not bring up his demand that Mexico pay for it. In an unexpected trip to a country which he has frequently vilified for illegal immigration and drug smuggling, Trump held talks with the Mexican leader at his residence for about an hour

 
'Plastered by the gringo': Trump meeting a public relations disaster for Peña Nieto

Mexican president gets into Twitter tit-for-tat with Republican nominee over payment for border wall as citizens rail against acquiescent press conference

David Agren in Mexico City
Thursday 1 September 2016 13.19 BST

Enrique Peña Nieto on Thursday used Twitter to tell Donald Trump what many Mexicans wished he had told him in person on Wednesday.

“I repeat what I said personally, Sr Trump,” the Mexican president tweeted. “Mexico will never pay for a wall.”

The tweet was in response to one in which the Republican presidential candidate returned to his signature campaign promise on immigration and the US southern border, writing: “Mexico will pay for the wall!”

Peña Nieto had first tried to correct the record after his closed-door meeting with Trump in Mexico City the day before, saying he told Trump paying for the wall was a non-starter and the two men immediately moved on to other issues. Trump, who claimed payment for his proposed wall was not discussed, returned to the US to give a strikingly hardline speech on immigration policy.

For many Mexicans, Thursday’s presidential tweet was too little, too late. They railed against an apparently acquiescent leader who had missed a golden opportunity to berate a bully. Peña Nieto, they said, should have told Trump publicly his border wall was a non-starter and responded to Trump calling Mexicans “rapists” and criminals with something stronger than labeling such insults “misunderstandings”.

“He appeared submissive, docile and plastered by the gringo,” said Gerardo Priego Tapía, a former member of Congress with the National Action Party (PAN). “He was used and made to look ridiculous in front of those he governs.”

Why Trump was invited and then treated so softly left pundits stupefied, especially since Peña Nieto, who is not known for verbal jousting or talking without scripts, missed such a good chance to improve his poor approval rating.

The Mexican president entered the encounter with Trump as the country’s most unpopular leader since approval polling started in the mid-1990s. It was also the eve of his fourth informe – state of the nation address – an act of political theatre in which the president projects his power to the nation.

This year, Peña Nieto planned instead to talk with a town hall of young people, a move taken by many to show the administration has realised it has fallen out of touch with the public mood.

“It seems as though no one in the government actually thought Trump would show up if invited,” said Esteban Illades, editor of the public affairs magazine Nexos. “My guess is that jaws dropped at Los Pinos when they not only realized that Trump was coming, but that he was showing up on the eve of the Mexican state of the union address.”

Others saw a serious strategic error, a move that might lend legitimacy to the Trump campaign, casting him in a presidential light.

“It would have been very different if he were [hosting] both [Trump and Hillary Clinton], that’s a different game,” said Federico Estévez, political science professor at the Autonomous Technological Institute of Mexico. “With Trump, where was the win for Peña Nieto?

“Trump’s risk was only that he would be insulted to his face, which didn’t happen. He gambled and won.”

The meeting lit up social media in Mexico, where the bellicose rhetoric of the Republican candidate has been compared by historians to that of James Polk, the US president during the Mexican American war of 1846-48. Even an opposition that has been oddly silent on presidential scandals involving conflicts of interest and alleged law-school plagiarism could not hold back.

“We did a campaign act for the candidate that most hates Mexicans,” PAN senator Gabriel Cuevas said in comments published by the newspaper Reforma. “[Trump] used us as a doormat.”

For most, the meeting with Trump and failure to talk tough was simply another example of their president’s inability to sense what was irritating his people.

“There was never a Peña Nieto so distanced from the people’s sentiments,” wrote columnist Salvador Camarena in the newspaper El Financiero.

“Never has the name of Mexico been exposed to such dishonour, never have we so underestimated what Peña Nieto was capable of: covering those that sow discord using the name of Mexico.”

Apple fight tests Europe’s operating system


Apple fight tests Europe’s operating system

Margrethe Vestager’s high-profile move raises question of who runs the EU.
Apple was paying only €50 of tax per million euro of profit.
Apple CEO Tim Cook frequently interrupted Margrethe Vestager during a meeting earlier this year, according to sources

By
Tim King
9/2/16, 5:29 AM CET


Apple chief executive Tim Cook is at least half-right when he describes as “political” the European Commission’s demand that Ireland should claw back €13 billion in forgone taxes from the American computer giant. The decision, he told Irish radio, had no basis in law or the facts of the case.

Margrethe Vestager, the European commissioner for competition, denies that the decision is politically motivated. The European Court of Justice, she claims, is not interested in politics, just the facts.

Yet there is no denying that the Apple case is profoundly political in its consequences and has now set in train a very political battle for the backing of Europe’s finance ministers. Vestager has put into play — in the most high-profile way possible — the question of who runs Europe.

Not everyone perceives the struggle in those terms. The Irish government and its supporters dispute the Commission’s move into investigating tax rulings, the agreements made between a national tax authority and an individual company (which have previously resulted in adverse judgments against Starbucks in the Netherlands and Fiat in Luxembourg). They would argue that Vestager has raised the question of who runs Ireland.
Margrethe Vestager has put into play the question of who runs Europe

Margrethe Vestager has put into play the question of who runs Europe | Frederocl Florin/AFP via Getty Images

And the United States Treasury Department has set out in a white paper its objections to Vestager’s recent tax investigations, complaining that the European Commission is laying claim to money that might be owed to the U.S. tax authorities. It implies that the EU is interfering with who runs the U.S.

* * *

The EU-U.S. tensions are, however, a distracting decoration. Although it is tempting to see Vestager’s decision as continuing a tradition of European competition commissioners trying to cut American giants down to size (Mario Monti blocked GE’s takeover of Honeywell; Monti, Neelie Kroes and Joaquín Almunia pursued antitrust cases against Microsoft), that would be to ignore other nuances in the Apple conflict.

The Apple case raises the question of how much tax income other countries might be missing out on because of Ireland’s tax ruling.

First of all, Vestager’s target is the national governments of the EU. Her message is that tax competition cannot and should not mean a complete free-for-all. That is the same message she previously delivered by way of similar state aid rulings to the Netherlands, Luxembourg and Belgium — but the sums involved in the Apple case are so great as to make other countries sit up and take notice. More than previous cases, this one raises the question of how much tax income other countries might be missing out on because of Ireland’s tax ruling. And her message is that if the EU does not stand united, the only beneficiaries will be the multinationals playing fiscal arbitrage.

The message is not in itself a new one. The EU’s debate about what constitutes fair or unfair tax competition has flared at various moments in the past — in 1998-1999 over Ireland’s corporation tax and in 2009 over Slovakia’s tax rates for car companies, for instance.

What is new, however, is the method chosen by the Commission to push its argument — exercising its powers to police state aid. The idea has been kicking around for some time. Monti, who had been single market commissioner before taking the competition portfolio, argued that unfair tax competition and the threat it posed to the single market had to be countered by use of state aid powers.

Vestager is more willing than her predecessors to test the extent of the Commission’s powers.

But back then there was no willing alliance between the commissioners for the single market and competition. Those posts were held by a succession of people who were skeptical about giving the EU more power over member countries and who were by nationality protective of low-tax arrangements: Frits Bolkestein from the Netherlands, Charlie McCreevy from Ireland and Kroes from the Netherlands. And the Spaniard Almunia, who held the competition portfolio from 2010-2014, was no innovator.

In addition, Vestager is more willing than her predecessors to test the extent of the Commission’s powers, though her concerted use of state-aid inquiries looks likely to be challenged by Ireland and Apple in the European Court of Justice. That is not the only fight-back she must face down: U.S. Treasury Secretary Jack Lew wrote to Vestager earlier this year suggesting that her attack on tax rulings puts at risk the existing cooperation in international fora — in the G20 and the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development. Apple, too, has accused the Commission of trying to “upend the international tax system.”

* * *

Apple CEO Tim Cook frequently interrupted Margrethe Vestager during a meeting earlier this year, according to sources

What is significant about that line of challenge is that it seeks to appeal to EU finance ministers, who retain the prerogative to negotiate on tax issues in international fora. The Commission’s powers over taxation are much more circumscribed than on competition. The U.S. government is hoping that a combination of the finance ministers and Jean-Claude Juncker, the Commission president, might rein in the meddlesome competition commissioner.
European Commission President Jean-Claude Juncker | Frederick Florin/AFP via Getty Images

European Commission President Jean-Claude Juncker | Frederick Florin/AFP via Getty Images

Vestager stands accused of threatening a developing consensus that governments must work together to combat tax evasion. That trend was accelerated by the financial crisis, which put public revenues under severe strain, by the crackdown on money-laundering and organized crime which curtailed the room for secrecy, and by the LuxLeaks and Panama Papers revelations. The finance ministers must decide whether Vestager’s inquiries are part of that trend or run counter to it.

It’s clear where Michael Noonan, Ireland’s finance minister, stands, but it is hard at this stage to know how the various other finance ministers might react to the information being brought to light by the Commission’s inquiries.

Those who defend Ireland’s right to style itself as a low-tax economy are quick to point out that Vestager hails from Denmark, a high-tax economy. But they might also pay attention to another supposed characteristic of the Danes — a Lutheran-inspired fondness for openness and transparency.

Apple was paying only €50 of tax per million euro of profit.

It’s a significant feature of the state aid inquiry that Vestager gets to make public at least some of the terms of tax rulings that were previously secret between national authorities and the multinational corporations.

In doing so, the Commission may widen divisions between the finance ministers — exposing both to the ministers and to their electorates the tax revenue that is effectively not being collected. Sven Giegold, a leading German Green member of the European Parliament’s economic and monetary affairs committee, was quick to express mischievous surprise that Wolfgang Schäuble, Germany’s finance minister, was not more concerned about the loss of revenue. Until his recent wobble over Spain and Portugal, Schäuble had always taken a hard line in demanding that other national governments should reduce their budget deficits.

* * *

Publishing details from the tax rulings should also help Vestager in her struggle to win the backing of European consumers. Her revelations that in 2014 the company was paying only €50 of tax per million euro of profit, and that Apple International in Ireland, through which the company’s revenue was channeled, had no premises and no employees in Ireland, might not cut much ice with tax lawyers and accountants, but they will play well in the court of European public opinion.

The Irish government has failed in its duty to be fair — a duty that it owed not just to its own citizens but to the other EU member countries.

Apple may be a darling of consumer electronics, but it does not follow that consumers will give it a free fiscal pass. Nobody likes paying taxes. What they like even less is having to pay taxes while watching others escape them.

Vestager has couched her demand that Ireland must recover the state aid as one of fairness: Taxes must be paid and one company cannot be given special treatment. The claim to be an arbiter of fairness is a very important one. The underlying message is that the Irish government has failed in its duty to be fair — a duty that it owed not just to its own citizens but to the other EU member countries.

The assertion made by Wednesday’s Commission decision is that, if an individual country can’t stand up to the likes of Apple, Google, Microsoft and — lest José Manuel Barroso is forgotten — Goldman Sachs, the EU will. If not Margrethe Vestager, then who? If not the European Union, then what? Those are profoundly political questions.

Tim King writes POLITICO‘s Brussels Sketch.

Melania Trump sues Daily Mail for $150m over 'lies' about her past


Melania Trump sues Daily Mail for $150m over 'lies' about her past

Trump also files suit against Maryland blogger as UK newspaper issues retraction over articles that contained allegations about Trump’s modeling career
Ben Jacobs in Washington
Thursday 1 September 2016 23.47 BST

Lawyers for Melania Trump on Thursday filed suit for $150m damages against the Daily Mail in Maryland state court. The wife of Republican presidential nominee Donald Trump is also suing a blogger, Webster Tarpley, from the state in question.

In a statement, Trump’s lawyer, Charles Harder, said: “These defendants made several statements about Mrs Trump that are 100% false and tremendously damaging to her personal and professional reputation [and] broadcast their lies to millions of people throughout the US and the world – without any justification.

“Their many lies include, among others, that Mrs Trump supposedly was an ‘escort’ in the 1990s before she met her husband. Defendants’ actions are so egregious, malicious and harmful to Mrs Trump that her damages are estimated at $150m.”

The suit was filed in Montgomery County, in suburban Washington DC, in response to articles published in August by the Daily Mail which reported rumors that Trump worked as an escort in the 1990s.

Last month, announcing that Trump was considering a suit, her lawyer called those rumors “100% false”.

The Daily Mail article also contained allegations that Trump came to New York a year earlier than she has claimed, raising issues about her immigration status. Trump denied a story in Politico in which questions about her immigration status were first reported.

The lawsuit noted that while the article in question had been removed from the Daily Mail’s website, the newspaper had yet to apologize or formally retract. The Mail included a retraction of the story in its Friday UK print edition.

“We did not intend to state or suggest that these allegations are true,” the newspaper said, “nor did we intend to state or suggest that Mrs Trump ever worked as an ‘escort’ or in the ‘sex business’.” It added that its article had included denials from a Trump spokesperson and the owner of the modelling agency in question, and said it regretted “any such misinterpretation”.

The retraction was also posted online. “The Daily Mail newspaper and MailOnline/DailyMail.com have entirely separate editors and journalistic teams,” it added. “In so far as MailOnline/DailyMail.com published the same article it wholeheartedly also retracts the above and also regrets any such misinterpretation.”

Asked if the retraction would affect the suit, Harder replied: “It does not.”

Tarpley’s blogpost, which has been retracted, claimed, per the suit, that “it is widely known Melania was not a working model but rather a high-end escort” and that she had a “mental breakdown” after a plagiarism controversy over her speech to the Republican national convention in Cleveland in July.

Harder is best known for representing Hulk Hogan in the lawsuit that bankrupted Gawker Media and forced its sale to Univision last month. That suit was funded by the Silicon Valley billionaire Peter Thiel, a vocal Trump supporter.

Steve Klepper, an appellate lawyer for the Baltimore law firm Kramon & Graham, said the inclusion of a blogger in the suit indicated legal maneuvering.

He told the Guardian: “Anytime you have a filing that adds a minor in-state defendant, it’s a flag that they were joined to prevent removal to federal court. And as we know, Donald Trump has not been having been the best luck in federal court recently.”

Klepper pointed to a Maryland defamation statute that might provide a basis for Melania Trump’s suit. It reads: “A single or married woman whose character or reputation for chastity is defamed by any person may maintain an action against that person.”
'Plastered by the gringo': Trump meeting a public relations disaster for Peña Nieto
Read more

He added, however: “Montgomery County has possibly the highest-percentage college education jury pool in the whole country and I cannot see how the jury pool would be good for [Melania Trump].”

News of the lawsuit came 68 days before the election, on the day Donald Trump pledged to promote “patriotism” in schools and a day after he gave a hardline immigration policy speech, hours after striking conciliatory notes on the topic in a meeting with Mexican president Enrique Peña Nieto.

The Republican nominee, who has consistently trailed Hillary Clinton in the polls, has developed a combative relationship with the media, blacklisting a number of news outlets and pledging to pass stricter libel laws if elected.

A Trump campaign spokesperson told the Guardian: “We do not have anything in addition to the Harder statement.”

The Daily Mail responded to a request for comment by pointing to its online and print retractions.

Theresa May’s foreign policy? ‘Absolutely no idea’


Theresa May’s foreign policy? ‘Absolutely no idea’

UK prime minister’s silence casts doubt on Britain’s global influence ahead of G20.

By
Tom McTague
9/2/16, 5:27 AM CET

LONDON — Theresa May’s sure-footed start to foreign relations has impressed world leaders. Diplomats in Paris and Berlin speak of a “serious” and “astute” politician that they can deal with.

But back at home a quiet unease is emerging.

As she heads to her first international summit as prime minister, at the G20 in China this weekend, May’s foreign policy remains unknown, even to senior members of her government.

“There are lots of questions but very few answers,” one senior Tory said. Others are less circumspect. Asked about her world view, a long-term former cabinet colleague replied: “Absolutely no idea.”

May’s foreign policy silence is causing murmurings of disquiet. Privately, ministers voice unease about the influence of her advisers, particularly chief of staff Nick Timothy.

As one senior Conservative source put it: “She should not just look for solutions from those who sit closest to her desk.”

Another well-connected Tory said: “I’ve literally no idea on foreign policy. It’s very difficult to say who she’s close to or what she thinks. Most stuff seems fairly traceable to Nick [Timothy].”

May’s early suspicions about China have raised eyebrows in Westminster and abroad; she is defiantly lukewarm toward Europe and notably unattached to the U.S. On Russia, Ukraine and the Middle East, May’s position is unknown.

The assumption in Berlin is that the U.K. will continue to lose international influence.

Foreign leaders are not overly concerned. In European capitals Britain’s international retreat is considered “a given,” according to a number of well-connected diplomatic sources.

One source close to German Chancellor Angela Merkel said the U.K.’s foreign policy now amounted solely to Brexit. The assumption in Berlin is that the U.K. will continue to lose international influence, with its nuclear arsenal and United Nations Security Council seat its “last vestiges of power.”

Those close to the German chancellor see the appointment of Boris Johnson as foreign secretary as evidence May doesn’t really care much about foreign policy. French anger over Johnson’s promotion was acute, but there is now a feeling in Paris that he has been silenced.

Jonathan Eyal, assistant director at the respected foreign affairs think tank RUSI, said European concerns about the Brexit triumvirate of Johnson, David Davis and Liam Fox were serious and damaging.

“There is now a rather dangerous myth in Europe that if they need a serious decision, they have to talk to her [May] and not to her ministers. All of her ministers are deemed to be lightweight.”
A step up from Cameron

Eyal said that May had impressed in her early visits to Berlin and Paris. “They were struck by how serious she is.” The contrast with David Cameron, who often tried to “wing it,” has been noted.

“She is meticulous. When she has meetings with foreign leaders she is well prepared,” Eyal said. “In Paris they expected a very tense meeting, but it was all very low key, she kept her voice down. That is a very important departure from the previous prime minister. But this is all the calm before the storm. In Europe she still constitutes a leader on borrowed time.”

A senior source in Berlin said it “goes without saying” that because of her cabinet appointments May is considered the only one “worth dealing with.”

Merkel believes the British prime minister will be too busy dealing with Brexit to devote much time to other issues. The German chancellor is, however, very keen to preserve a good relationship with the U.K., especially on trade. The initial impression in Berlin is that May is someone they can negotiate with in a fairly sober manner.

Berlin also believes Britain’s retrenchment was already underway before May took over. In particular on Russia and the Ukraine, London was seen as “invisible.”

French diplomats harbor deeply-held historical concerns that the U.K will return to “the centuries-old Foreign Office game of dividing Europeans.” Cynics in Paris, though, accept Britain has never really stopped playing that game, even in the EU.
French fears

There is a more serious concern in Paris about British military retreat — in particular, May’s willingness to engage forces abroad.

A close study of May’s record suggests the French are right to be concerned.
It may not be all smiles in Paris when it comes to May's views on the Arab sping | Ian Langsdon/EPA

In the only notable foreign policy speech of her career, in 2011, May broke with the U.K. government line to question the prospects of the Arab Spring.

As other ministers hailed the “exciting” revolutions, May said: “Change for the better is not inevitable … There is a chance that the Arab Spring does not bloom; that new repressive regimes replace old ones; that they give way to new and more dangerous regimes; or that terrorists gain the space and power that they lacked under the autocratic regimes of the past.”

The May worldview: Cautious, pragmatic and skeptical about liberal interventionism.

Timothy, her closest adviser and chief of staff, hailed her “prescience” in a later blog post as he laid out the most detailed account of his foreign policy, attacking liberal interventionism. In it he said the “single, overriding lesson from Iraq” was that the U.K. needed to “rediscover the principles of a traditional, realist, conservative foreign policy.”

He added: “Value stability. Respect sovereignty. Do not make foreign policy part of an ideological crusade. Do not try to recreate the world in your own image. Do not, however much you might disapprove of a dictator’s abuse of human rights, use that as a pretext for regime change. Always act on the basis of the national interest. Above all, understand the risk involved when things change in complex and volatile states.”

In Timothy’s writings and in May’s cautious, pragmatic record in government the bones of her foreign policy can be seen.

A Number 10 source said May was, at heart, “a pragmatist.” “She does what is in the national interest.” May will not be making any Cameron-style comments about Donald Trump, the source added.

Worried world

Foreign Affairs Select Committee chairman Crispin Blunt said May had a “toughness” Cameron did not have when it came to resisting the “emotional pull” of foreign interventions. But he added that she would still “go on the same journey every a prime minister does” eventually being “sucked into international affairs.”

Blunt also insisted Europe had it wrong if they thought Brexit constituted a retreat. “For the next two or three years we re-establish our role in the world. The three Brexit ministers have a clear understanding this is history, I know. They have got these jobs at a very profound moment and have to make it work. This is not politics as usual over the next two and a half years.

“The triumvirate working for Theresa is about as good a core team to do Brexit as is available in U.K. politics. I accept that’s not how they are seen, but that’s how they are.”

Blunt admitted, however, that he was “very worried” about the capacity of the Foreign Office to cope with its new responsibilities. “We’ve got to raise our diplomatic game. The world is looking at us.”

May now has a job convincing the world — and her domestic critics — that Britain has not given up.

Pierre Briançon and Nicholas Vinocur in Paris and Matthew Karnitschnig in Berlin contributed to this article.

Youth to leaders: Europe’s biggest crisis is economic


Youth to leaders: Europe’s biggest crisis is economic

The POLITICO Caucus polled 68 young leaders on the Continent’s future.

By
Vince Chadwick and Lawrence Wakefield
8/11/16, 5:30 AM CET


The greatest problem facing young people in Europe isn’t terrorism, Brexit, migration, or even climate change — for 81 percent of participants in POLITICO’s first Youth Caucus, the top concerns are youth unemployment and lack of economic growth.

Ahead of International Youth Day this Friday, we asked 68 young leaders, including MEPs, political advisers and heads of youth organizations what ails the bloc as part of POLITICO’s occasional pulse-taking of European influencers. Their anonymous answers highlight the EU’s ineffectiveness in reaching young people and not just “the lucky ones that go on Erasmus,” as one put it.

One respondent summed up the plight of young people in Europe today: “Unstable low paid jobs, if any. Stuck in trainee/internships forever. Forced to move to other countries and accept very flexible working conditions.”

The effect, as one put it, is that home ownership appears out of reach for this generation.

But if the EU can crack the economic challenge, fewer people “would be susceptible to radicalization and young people could see the benefits of the open borders and a shared European Union.”

Not one participant identified U.S. presidential hopeful Donald Trump as the greatest threat young Europeans face.
Brexit? Nix it

Despite fissures over Brexit, security and migration, 68 percent of the largely Europhile group believes that not only will the EU exist in 2025, it will be stronger.

The U.K.’s vote to leave the Union, however, is divisive. Roughly one-third of Caucus members said Brexit would strengthen the Continent. As one person put it: “It offers an opportunity to integrate. A veto was removed.” Another respondent felt liberated. “We can even stop thinking how London will react.”

But another third thought it would weaken the Continent and the remaining respondents said it would either make little difference or not happen at all.

It’s a “lose-lose” according to one Youth Caucus member, even if, as another said, “the EU will get back on its feet way faster than the U.K.”

Britain’s new Prime Minister Theresa May was also criticized for her tepid support for the Remain camp during the referendum campaign, evidence to one participant of “someone very cautious and tactical when the times demand men and women with courage, determination and beliefs.”

“Brits who protest in London with a EU flag on their face — a year ago none of us would have believed that to be a success,” as one put it. “It shows, however, that Brexit woke up many pro-Europeans who grew accustomed to the benefits the EU brings us.”

Reaching the younger generation

To reach younger citizens, politicians should focus on relevant policies and better engagement with schools and universities, according to more than 61 percent of respondents.

“Introduce civic education in every secondary school in the EU to allow young people to understand the importance of voting, both in their countries and in EU elections,” said one participant.

“Young Europeans are afraid of risk and lack entrepreneurial skills,” said another. “There is very little connection between European education institutions and the job market, so this is the number one challenge Europe needs to address to get young people into jobs and create growth.”

In general, respondents complained of a disconnect between European leaders and younger citizens.

“MEPs should spend more time with students of their own constituency and explain what makes a united Europe,” said one. “Human contact is far more important than virtual” contact.

One way to inspire political participation would be to establish “youth councils” at every level of administration — local, regional, national and European, one suggested.

With populists on the march across the Continent, one Caucus member said it’s time to fight fire with fire.

“EU leaders have not found a way of translating the benefits of the EU in a populist way,” the participant said. “They have not found a way of inspiring others to go out and fight for the European ideal.”
They are the champions

François Hollande was the least popular leader among Caucus members, with one suggesting the French president is paying the price among those on the Left for “standing on a platform in 2012 and pursuing very different policies in the subsequent years.”

Italian Prime Minister Matteo Renzi and German Chancellor Angela Merkel fared better, and were praised by one respondent “for the clarity of their views for their countries and for the Union.”

Asked to name the best champion for young people in Europe, some ventured non-Europeans such as Facebook CEO Mark Zuckerberg and Pope Francis. Another saw a model in Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau: “For being an open leader for an open society that somehow always used to vote for conservative leaders — we need one in Europa.”

To see the full list of participants in POLITICO’s Youth Caucus, click here.

Authors:

Vince Chadwick and
Lawrence Wakefield