Analysis
America’s
Brexit? Trump’s historic gamble on tariffs has been decades in the making
Callum Jones
in New York
Trump’s
economic assault on the world stunned economists and sent stock markets into a
spiral. Who will pay the price?
Sat 5 Apr
2025 07.00 BST
https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2025/apr/04/trump-tariffs-economy
Donald
Trump’s vast overhaul of US trade policy this week has called time on an era of
globalization, alarming people, governments and investors around the world. No
one should have been surprised, the US president said.
The
announcement of 10% to 50% tariffs on US trading partners tanked stock markets
after Trump unveiled a “declaration of economic independence” so drastic it
drew comparison with Britain’s exit from the European Union – Brexit.
But Trump,
who won re-election promising that tariffs would make America great again, has
advocated for the return of widespread tariffs with “great consistency” for
decades. “I’ve been talking about it for 40 years,” he noted in the White House
Rose Garden.
Many
businesses, economists and politicians believe Trump’s trade plan is
wrongheaded, flawed and risky. Some have even suggested it might have been
written by ChatGPT. But he is unquestionably right when it comes to the number
of decades he has argued for it.
“This is so
unusual for Trump. He’s a conventional politician in one way: he doesn’t
believe in much deeply,” Larry Sabato, director of the Center for Politics at
the University of Virginia. Tariffs are different. “This one thing, he seems to
deeply believe in.”
As far back
as 1987, when a fame-hungry real estate tycoon took out full-page ads in
newspapers, the now president called for such a strategy. Other major economies
are the “greatest profit machines ever created”, he argued way back when.
“‘Tax’ these wealthy nations, not America.”
Eight years
after the start of his first term and just 10 weeks into his second, he has
finally set about seriously delivering that dream – and cast aside warnings it
may deteriorate into a nightmare.
On the
campaign trail last year, Trump made no secret of his vision: tariffs would
unshackle the US economy, he promised, revitalize its industrial heartlands and
unlock a gigantic financial windfall for the federal government.
But after
pitching this big, beautiful and bold reconstruction of the global economic
order, the early actions of the second Trump administration were strikingly
smaller, messier and altogether more hesitant than trailed.
The focus,
at first, narrowed dramatically from the world to just a handful of nations:
China, Canada and Mexico. While China was hit hard, sweeping tariffs on Canada
and Mexico were interrupted by a dizzying array of deadlines, delays and
dispensations.
Tariffs were
increased on steel and aluminum. But Trump’s trade agenda was largely
characterized by threats and spats: rhetoric, but not reality.
On
Wednesday, dubbed “liberation day” by Trump and his aides, he did his best to
draw a sharp line under weeks of wavering, doubt and confusion – and imposed
the universal and “reciprocal” tariffs he pledged so many times to introduce
while fighting to regain the White House.
Defying the
stark forecasts and concerns of mainstream economists and corporations, Trump
went with his gut. “That was true of the Brexiteers, was it not? They really
believed it deeply from the core of their souls,” said Sabato.
At one point
during his address, Trump switched from president to historian. “In 1913, for
reasons unknown to mankind, they established the income tax,” he said, setting
the stage for a sharp reduction in tariffs on foreign goods. “Citizens, rather
than foreign countries, would start paying the money necessary to run our
government.”
Decades of
US prosperity “came to a very abrupt end” with the Great Depression from 1929,
Professor Trump opined before his class of aides, cabinet secretaries and
supporters. “It would have never happened if they had stayed with the tariff
policy,” he claimed. “It would have been a much different story.”
Actual
historians took issue with this account. “It’s what we would call a lie. False.
Not true,” said Andrew Cohen, professor of history in the Maxwell School at
Syracuse University. “He’s wrong. No one thinks that. Even conservative
economists don’t think that. Even protectionist economists don’t think that.”
Months into
the depression, the Smoot-Hawley Tariff Act of 1930 – which hiked tariffs on
hundreds of imports in a bid to boost the US economy – is widely considered to
have prolonged, and even deepened, the crisis. No other president has tried the
same tactic again – until now.
The swift
rebuttal to Trump’s analysis of the past was surpassed only by the response to
his ambitious predictions for the future.
The
president has promised a new Golden Age, with millions of new jobs, billions
more dollars’ worth of US exports and trillions of dollars in tariff revenues.
Outside his administration, skepticism is high.
“The Trump
tariffs mark a liberation from the benefits of free trade for American
businesses and consumers,” said Eswar Prasad, professor of trade policy at
Cornell University, and a former official at the International Monetary Fund.
“Trump has taken the hatchet to trade with practically every major US trading
partner, sparing few allies or rivals,” he added, with action that will be
“severely disruptive to the US economy, with the effects felt by American
consumers and businesses in practically every industry”.
Who pays the
price? The rest of the world, according to the president and his aides. But
import tariffs are paid by the companies and consumers that import the goods
from the rest of the world – in this case, US companies and consumers – rather
than the overseas companies exporting them.
Trump’s
tariffs will increase the average US household’s costs by $3,800, according to
the Yale Budget Lab.
“These
tariff increases are likely to be some of the biggest tax increases in US
history and will result (if fully implemented) in some of the highest tariff
rates the US has ever seen,” wrote Jeremy Horpedahl, adjunct scholar at the
libertarian Cato Institute, who noted that they could exceed the
post-Smoot-Hawley levels of 1930.
“Like all
tariffs, some large portion of these new levies will be paid by US consumers
and businesses in the form of higher prices,” added Horpedahl.
If Trump is
right, and his decades-old dream revives the world’s largest economy, enriching
its citizens and transforming its industrial base into a manufacturing
powerhouse, his administration will be one of the most successful in modern
memory.
But if he’s
wrong, the very Americans who elected him to rapidly bring down the cost of
living are likely to be hit hardest.
“It’s either
going to be Trump and his team or it’s going to be a large majority of
experienced mainstream economists,” said Sabato. “I know where my bet is.”
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