Europe Is
Not Ready for Trump
One of
nine thinkers on the continent’s future without America’s embrace.
July 1,
2024, 12:39 AM
By Nathalie
Tocci, the director of the Istituto Affari Internazionali.
https://foreignpolicy.com/2024/07/01/europe-eu-nationalism-trump-us-election/
When Donald
Trump was elected U.S. president in 2016, it unified Europe. The continent’s
capitals were still reeling from the decision by British voters to leave the
European Union a few months before, and leaders feared that Brexit would
trigger a domino effect of other exits. The scars of the European debt crisis
and bitter divisions over migration were still fresh.
Trump shook
Europeans from their navel-gazing, reminding them what their union was all
about: democracy, multilateralism, and the rules-based order. With Washington
checked out of that order, then-German Chancellor Angela Merkel—the undisputed
leader of the EU at the time—became the voice of the free world. Europeans knew
they couldn’t afford to be divided: Their continent was already on fire then,
with Russia having annexed Crimea and nationalist populism on the rise. Faced
with escalating threats and abandoned by Washington, Europeans understood they
had to stick together.
The question
haunting Europe today is whether it will be united once again if Trump returns
to the White House. Of course, Trump is not the only reason Europe should be
unified. Europe and its neighborhood are even more ablaze today than in 2016.
Europe itself is at war, with Russian officials openly stating that their
imperial appetites won’t be sated with the subjugation of Ukraine. To the
southeast of Europe, the Israel-Hamas war is teetering on the brink of a wider
conflict. In Africa’s vast Sahel region, European powers and the United States
have been pushed out as Russia strengthens its grip—with all the options that
gives the Kremlin to impact Europe, not least by weaponizing migration.
Turning
farther east, Europe no longer harbors illusions that China will become a
responsible stakeholder of the liberal order. Unlike in 2016, the EU is not as
gullible to Chinese President Xi Jinping’s claims of championing
multilateralism. As Xi’s visit to France, Serbia, and Hungary in May showed,
Chinese divide-and-rule tactics have become blatant enough for the most naive
European to see. Globally, whereas in 2016 we were wondering if a multipolar
world was compatible with multilateralism and the liberal order, it’s clear
today that the latter two are on life support. Given all the threats facing
Europe, the unifying effect Trump had on the EU in 2016 should be exponentially
stronger now.
This may be
wishful thinking. Europe’s democracies are in the grip of similar political
convulsions as the United States, with right-wing nationalism on the rise. High
inflation and insufficient economic growth have blown wind in the hard right’s
sails once again. What’s more, Europe’s nationalists have changed tack—they no
longer seek to emulate Britain’s disastrous exit but to hollow out the EU from
within. They dominate politics not only in a small number of Eastern European
countries—such as Hungary and Slovakia—but have come to power in Italy and the
Netherlands, and they may win in Austria later this year. And they are
increasingly coordinating in Brussels, asserting their collective weight in EU
affairs, and trying to drive a wedge into the broad majority of conservatives,
socialists, liberals, and greens that has spearheaded European unity and
integration for decades.
Trump 2.0
would enter the scene in this much more fraught and fractured Europe. This
time, there is a bigger contingent of European governments that see eye to eye
with Trump—and agree with his disparaging of the EU. Trump would have the same
opportunity as Xi to play divide-and-rule with Europe.
The
fractures extend to vast areas of European policy. With nationalists exerting
their growing power—and possibly allying with Trump—it will be hard for the EU
to agree on ambitious steps forward on defense, climate, energy, technology,
and EU enlargement, even as the war in Ukraine and other crises make these
policies increasingly urgent.
Jean Monnet,
one of the founding fathers of the EU, predicted that the continent’s union
would develop through crisis. So far, his dictum has proved true, as various
political and economic upheavals since 1945 have galvanized Europeans to build
their ever closer union. Another Trump term—coupled with a genuine fraying of
the trans-Atlantic bond in a time of growing threats to Europe—could be the
crisis that breaks the EU’s back.
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