Israel’s isolation grows over war in Gaza and
rise in settler violence
Peter
Beaumont
Actions of Netanyahu’s government have sparked
international anger and made a long-threatened ‘diplomatic tsunami’ real
Fri 10 May
2024 16.07 CEST
Israel is
facing a long-threatened “diplomatic tsunami” on multiple fronts over its
handling of the war in Gaza and the unprecedented rise in settler attacks on
Palestinians in the West Bank.
Amid almost
monthly sanctions announcements from the US and European capitals over settler
violence, which have incrementally expanded their scope, the Guardian
understands yet more potential targets are under consideration.
Sanctions
so far have targeted individuals and extremist organisations, and most recently
a controversial friend and adviser of Itamar Ben Gvir, the far-right national
security minister.
As the US
announced it was holding up a shipment of heavy munitions to Israel over
Benjamin Netanyahu’s insistence on going ahead with an attack on the southern
Gaza city of Rafah, Ireland and Spain said they were committed to a formal
recognition of Palestinian statehood.
Pressure is
also growing in Europe for a trade ban on Israeli settlement products.
Alexander
de Croo, the prime minister of Belgium – which chairs the rotating presidency
of the Council of the European Union – has said he is seeking like-minded
allies to push for a trade ban, arguing that Israel has potentially violated
human rights guarantees in the EU-Israel association agreement.
For its
part Turkey, which has long had a complex relationship with Israel, has
announced its own complete trade ban with Israel, although reports emerged this
week of a three-month reprieve for Turkish traders which were denied by Ankara.
In South
America, Israel has also seen a rash of countries cut diplomatic ties or
downgrade contacts, with Colombia becoming the second South American country
after Bolivia to cut ties.
Elsewhere
Israel is under investigation at the international criminal court, which is
reportedly considering issuing warrants for senior Israeli officials, and at
the international court of justice, the UN’s top court, which is investigating
a complaint of genocide and incitement to genocide brought by South Africa
against Israel.
A
“diplomatic tsunami” against Israel – a warning first coined by the former
prime minister Ehud Barak while he served as defence minister under Netanyahu –
has been much threatened but until now never meaningfully implemented.
Despite
widespread expressions of international support for Israel after Hamas’s 7
October attack, its conduct of the war in Gaza, in tandem with a sharp rise in
pro-settler violence in the occupied West Bank, has rapidly intensified
long-bubbling frustrations with Netanyahu’s refusal to contemplate any progress
towards Palestinian statehood.
His
government has continued to plough ahead despite explicit warnings, including
in March from the US secretary of state, Antony Blinken, that the country
risked further global isolation if it attacks the Palestinian city of Rafah in
the Gaza Strip.
And while
senior Israeli officials have tried to be bullish in the face of international
pressure, saying they will fight on alone, many of the moves have real-world
consequences for a country facing economic problems because of the war.
“What has
been happening in the past few months is an accumulation of a lot of things
that have been in the pipeline for years,” says Yossi Mekelberg of the Chatham
House thinktank. “Experts have been warning for years of the risk of an
implosion and that the situation [between Israel and Palestinians] was
unsustainable.
“That is
not to justify anything happened on October 7 … but maybe support for Israel
with infinite amounts of weapons is not a good idea when they are dropped on
civilians.”
While
Mekelberg sees the Turkish move within the context of Netanyahu and Erdogan’s
fractious relationship, going back to a deadly Israeli attack on a Turkish aid
flotilla to Gaza in 2010, the recent hardening of positions in Europe and the
US are “really unprecedented”, he says.
Like others
Mekelberg sees a coincidence of events in Israel, around Netanyahu’s
rightwing-far right coalition, provoking governments finally to act on
long-existing concerns. “Settler violence is not new but when you bring
representatives of those settlers, and one of them who has been convicted [Ben
Gvir], in as part of government then the argument that somehow settler violence
exist at the margins no longer holds.”
Dahlia
Scheindlin, in a column for Haaretz this week, said that while previous
sanctions moves against Israel were little more than “bad vibes”, that has
changed with the Turkish threat of a trade ban and the US move to hold up the
delivery of heavy munitions.
Scheindlin
also believes international frustration has long been accumulating. “All of
this been brewing years. Israel has been behaving in a self-defeating fashion
like bull china shop,” she told the Guardian.
“As is so
common with paradigm shifts, Israel has not been seeing all the things going on
below surface.
“It should
be said, however, that Netanyahu himself did start diversifying his portfolio
of international allies to the less democratic world – towards courting Putin
in Russia and Modi in India – in what he thought would be [an] insurance
policy.”
Government
lawyers in multiple capitals are already considering whether there should be a
new round of sanctions and against who and what, amid questions whether key
institutions in settlement building such as the Israeli regional council in the
occupied territories and the settlement division of the World Zionist
Organization should be in the sights of those designing sanctions.
“It is
about violence, impunity and settlements and isolating settlement activity from
the world, not isolating Israel,” said one familiar with the direction of
discussions.
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