The Tories have laid a ‘cut the green crap’ trap
for Keir Starmer. He must not fall for it
Polly
Toynbee
Labour’s path to victory lies in sticking to its guns.
Any allies who argue for a green retreat should be shown the door
Tue 25 Jul
2023 06.00 BST
Perversely,
a spectacular week for Labour somehow ended up with an assault on the party’s
green policies, amid hints of internal wobbling. Despite a record Labour
trouncing of a Tory majority in Selby and Ainsty, a 7% swing to Labour in
Uxbridge and South Ruislip became a story about Labour in trouble, over a seat
not even won in Tony Blair’s 1997 landslide.
Labour
always struggles to make its narrative heard against the wall of sound from the
massed foghorns of the Tory media, but the party needs more nimbleness to duck
being defined by the enemy. Keir Starmer’s public rebuke to Sadiq Khan to
“reflect” on his Ulez policy was a badly pitched red-on-red news story.
Instead, they should have publicly agreed more generous car-scrappage schemes
so that the cost of cleaning up child-killing pollution doesn’t have to fall on
lower-paid drivers. Having also lost a council seat in Cambridge this month to
a Conservative who stood on a platform of fighting a proposed congestion
charge, Labour knows its green policies need to fall fairly on the broadest
shoulders. Instead, it has allowed the Uxbridge result to distract from an
electoral success that would have been unthinkable a couple of years ago.
Those
around Starmer swear there is no green wobbling: if there was any briefing to
the Murdoch press against Ed Miliband’s greenery, it must have come from some
strutting loose-lipped junior. But the gossip had legs after that delay to
Labour’s £28bn green investment plan – a delay devised as proof of Labour’s
iron fiscal discipline. In reality, getting spades in the ground, battery
factories built, workforces trained for new green jobs and wind turbines ready
to whirl will take time anyway: capital spending can start rolling out as
needed.
Here’s why
there will be no green retreat: Labour’s green policy is no nice-to-have
decoration separate from its economic strategy. That “fairer, greener future”
slogan at the last Labour conference is the very heart of Starmer’s “growth,
growth, growth” plan. Modelled on Joe Biden’s Infrastructure Investment and
Jobs Act, it’s an even bigger green investment per capita than Biden’s. Those billions
are why Starmer dares promise to outdo the G7 on growth, with job-generating
renewables publicly owned by Great British Energy, and by building new and
insulating old homes.
Michael
Gove set the tone for the most recent Tory attacks, accusing Labour of a
“religious crusade” as he sheds his own green policies. Grant Shapps vows to
“max out” Britain’s North Sea oil reserves, against Labour’s pledge to give no
new licences.
But if the
Tories insist on green warfare, more fool them. Labour has green policies
designed to bring savings, not new costs, to voters’ energy bills.
Remember,
Gove was there in 2013 beside David Cameron when he cut the “green crap” and
abandoned subsidies for renewables, despite all that “vote blue, go green”
husky-hugging designed to de-nasty his party. Cutting “the crap” added £2.5bn
to UK household bills, while the number of homes getting their lofts insulated
fell by a shocking 92%, and those getting cavity wall insulation by 74%.
Abandoning the zero-carbon homes standard meant most new homes have been built
with lower energy-efficiency standards – and higher energy bills. Worst of all
was barring onshore wind to appease his nimby MPs: failing to use the cheapest
energy costs households £180 a year – and onshore wind, even in people’s back
yards, is popular.
If Labour
needs more green ammunition, Gove’s attack on Natural England, undermining
basic environmental standards for new developments, goes against public
sentiment: Tory voters tend to like nature and hate sewage in their rivers.
If the
Tories are mad and bad enough to want green wars, the public will be on
Labour’s side because its green message is not about sacrifice, but about
growth-inducing investment, cutting costs. Ed Miliband, who has been close to
Starmer over many years, has been masterly in setting that tone as the
guarantor of Labour’s green intentions. (No, Starmer never said he “hates
tree-huggers” – that was a Tory lie, according to his team.)
Lisa Nandy
is the other pillar of Starmer’s growth strategy, with her huge house-building
ambitions, planning for 70% of people to own their own homes and the majority
of the rest to have secure social housing. Decent homes standards will apply to
private as well as social landlords, sparking widespread repairs – another
engine of growth.
It’s a bit
late for Gove’s promise to complete a million homes in this parliament, as the
Conservative manifesto pledged in 2019: Knight Frank says it’s “unlikely to
have a meaningful impact on housing supply”. Under the 15 Tory housing
ministers since 2010, housebuilding in England is due to fall to its lowest
level since the second world war, Nandy points out. Since the government caved
in to its nimbys and abandoned compulsory local housing targets, 58 local
authorities have delayed or withdrawn their local housing plans.
On Monday,
Gove managed to simultaneously boast of exempting developments from planning
permission and promise lots more planners to unblock the backlog of planning
applications. But that backlog was created by his own government’s 43% cuts to
the planning system since 2010. Abandoning local planning rules may please some
developers, but not most voters who care about their neighbourhoods. The very
word “planning” horrifies out-of-touch libertarian and anti-green Tory MPs.
Bereft
battalions of old Brexiters now resurrect themselves under the anti-net zero
banner, apparently oblivious to public opinion. God help us, the Sunday
Telegraph is even calling for a referendum on net zero. In spirit, these MPs
ally themselves to countries among the G20 who this weekend disastrously
blocked a plan to phase down fossil fuels and triple renewable energy capacity
– mainly Russia, China and Saudi Arabia.
These
Brexiters turned climate ignorers will try to drum up anti-Labour fears among
Aberdeen oil workers and the few miners elsewhere who may not believe in
Labour’s new green jobs until they see them. They will try to frighten drivers,
so Labour needs to be sure-footed about explaining who pays for transition
costs. Just Stop Oil is the Tories’ convenient target: protesters need more
cleverness in engaging the public without enraging them.
But as the
world boils for all to see, a back-woods Tory campaign against good climate
policies is a losing cause. The latest Office for National Statistics public
opinion survey finds top issues “continued to be the cost of living (92%), the
NHS (88%), the economy (79%), climate change and the environment (62%) and
housing (62%).” No complacency, but the Tories are dead in the water on all of
those.
Labour can
make common cause with those beleaguered Tories who see sense on the climate,
but they have nothing to fear from the Jacob Rees-Mogg cadre of unelectables in
pursuit of the unsurvivable. Any Labour advisers urging green retreat should be
sent to spend their summer holiday on the island of Rhodes.
Polly
Toynbee is a Guardian columnist
.webp)
Sem comentários:
Enviar um comentário