A
Country on Tenterhooks: Germans Wonder If Terror Can Be Prevented
Following
the attacks in Munich, Würzburg and Ansbach, many are asking how the
violence can be stopped. There is an answer to this question, but
will it be heard in these turbulent times?
By SPIEGEL Staff
August 01, 2016 –
08:27 PM
Just about every
Munich local dreams of scoring a spot inside the "Himmel der
Bayern" beer tent at the Oktoberfest. Anyone fortunate enough to
get their name on a table inside the festival's most magnificent
structure is usually a happy camper.
Recently, however, a
number of people have been calling the tent's operator, Toni
Roiderer, to cancel their reservations -- an unusual occurrence seven
weeks before one of the world's most popular events. What if the
Oktoberfest rolls around and no one feels like going?
"The world has
changed," says Stephan Baumanns, a shop owner in Munich. "We're
staying home." The joyous commotion inside the tent that he
enjoyed for years suddenly no longer seems safe to him. Baumanns is
done tempting fate after what happened in Munich and elsewhere in
Bavaria recently. Both of his children were regulars at the Olympia
Einkaufszentrum shopping center, where an 18-year-old shot and killed
nine people on July 22. The shooter was from the same neighborhood as
the Baumanns. "I'm afraid of copycat killers," the shop
owner says.
Baumanns isn't the
only Bavarian who gets uneasy when he thinks about the Oktoberfest.
Three violent attacks within the space of just seven days deeply
upset the self-understanding of Bavaria as a haven of joie de vivre.
How cozy can a person feel in a packed tent if they think another one
of the guests might have an axe, pistol or bomb with them?
State of Shock
Munich is in shock.
As the city mourns, local politicians are seeking to reassure people
-- to little avail. A ban on backpacks and a perimeter fence around
the Oktoberfest grounds could make the event safer, said Josef
Schmid, the head of the annual event. But that "wouldn't be an
ideal solution," retorted Munich Mayor Dieter Reiter, who added
that a possible attacker could simply blow himself up among the
crowds waiting in front of the entrance.
Some locals
understood that to mean they'd be better advised to stay home this
year and forego Oktoberfest altogether. This summer, it seems, many
people are preferring a more solitary lifestyle, with only their
fears to keep them company.
Can anyone blame
them? Last year, 2015, was already full of horrors. The fact that
this year wasn't likely to be any more peaceful became clear early on
when authorities received a tip about a potential terrorist attack in
Munich on New Year's Eve. It turned out to be a false alarm, but then
came July, a month so full of calamities and horrific scenes it
seemed worthy of a Hieronymous Bosch painting.
On July 14,
France's national holiday, a 31-year-old man killed 84 people with a
truck.
On July 18, a
17-year-old attacked passengers on a regional train near Würzburg
with an axe and a knife.
Then came the
July 22 massacre in Munich.
On July 24, a
27-year-old in Ansbach blew himself up.
The same day, a
21-year-old Syrian in Reutlingen, near Stuttgart, murdered a woman
using the kind of long knife used to slice the meat for doner kebabs.
On July 25,
several perpetrators shot and killed two teenagers in front of a
nightclub in Fort Myers, Florida -- as if seeking to copy the attack
in Orlando that took place just weeks earlier and left 49 dead.
On July 26, two
men, both 19, stormed a church in Saint-Étienne-du-Rouvray, France,
and slit the priest's throat.
The same day, a
26-year-old in a small town near Tokyo broke into a facility for the
disabled, stabbing and killing 19 residents.
People are never far
from these horrors as news of them is broadcast live on their
smartphones. The distant countries of France, Japan, the United
States and Germany blur together into a single, pixelated image of
terror.
Even while forensic
experts are still analyzing blood samples and investigators are
putting together the pieces of the puzzle, users on social media
waste no time sharing their convictions that every single attack is
the work of terrorists. For many, every crime of passion, every
shooting spree, every bloodbath and every meticulously planned attack
by fanatics can only be one thing: terrorism. More specifically:
Islamic terrorism.
This is how fear
seeps into peoples' heads.
'Taboos of
Civilization Are Being Broken'
This became
particularly apparent in Germany as it emerged that the perpetrators
in Würzburg and Ansbach had struck as "soldiers" of the
Islamic State (IS) terrorist militia. In response to what is believed
to have been the first IS attack and the first Islamist suicide
bombing to take place on German soil, German Chancellor Angela Merkel
said last Thursday that "taboos of civilization are being
broken." She added that the "abstract threat" that the
security agencies had been warning about for years had now become a
concrete one in a brutal way, right in front of our doorstep. The
questions now dominating the public debate include: Was this just the
beginning? How can we put an end to it? Most importantly: Are we
stronger than our fear and stronger than potential attackers?
Comments made by
Thomas de Maizière, the German interior minister and a member of
Merkel's conservative Christian Democratic Union (CDU) party, were
refreshingly nuanced. He said it is true that the Germans will have
to get used to some changes. "We will have to get used to more
intensive security precautions at major public events like Carnival
parades, football matches, church congresses or Oktoberfest," he
told SPIEGEL in an interview. At the same time, he added, it is
advisable to remain calm.
But does that go far
enough?
The Israelization of
Our Streets
Such reserve didn't
last long. Others quickly defaulted to arguments promoted by the
security industry, which seems to have only one response when it
comes to addressing violence, no matter how rash or calculated it may
be: surveil, imprison, combat. The Israelization of our streets has
suddenly become plausible, with heavily armed officers at
intersections and entry controls in front of businesses and
restaurants. The state of emergency seen in neighboring France could
insidiously become a part of daily life here. At the moment, German
politics seems driven by people's fears.
"Islamist
terror has arrived in Germany," Horst Seehofer, the head of the
Christian Social Union (CSU), the Bavarian sister party to Merkel's
CDU, said last Tuesday. One must "stand up to it courageously."
He sounded a bit like French President François Hollande, who used
the word "war" one more time after the murder of a pastor
in Saint-Étienne-du-Rouvray. Keeping calm is no replacement for
protection by the state, Seehofer said, before announcing a long list
of proposed government measures.
Fighting terrorism
is once again the dictate of the hour -- rather than fighting the
roots of terrorism. And it doesn't seem to matter to fear-mongering
politicians that this will only serve to exacerbate the threat, or
that there are other, more level-headed approaches, or even that, as
Interior Minister de Maizière has said, society must "to a
certain extent … endure" some excesses of violence. But for
these politicians, the final straw came long ago.
The degree to which
Germans have become susceptible to collective panic could be observed
on the evening of July 22. When 18-year-old David Sonboly began his
mass shooting in front of a Munich shopping center, many reflexively
thought it was an IS attack against Germany. Within minutes, rumors
began circulating on the Internet that a terrorist commando had gone
on a killing spree in the Bavarian capital. The reports centered on
men with assault weapons, of shots being fired on Karlsplatz square
and of detonations in downtown Munich. The social networks amplified
people's fears even though they were wrought with speculation,
half-truths and erroneous reports.
By midnight, police
had received more than 4,300 emergency calls, most of which turned
out to be false alarms. Armed officers, including many in plain
clothes, responded to the calls and in the process, unintentionally
caused residents to panic even more. In no time at all, people were
under the impression that Munich would become Germany's Paris, where
130 people died late last year.
Meanwhile, the
country's media machine began to overheat, with journalists lacking
any information interviewing experts who had none to offer. When US
President Barack Obama spoke later that evening to ensure Germany his
full support, it appeared to be confirmation of the terror meltdown
that many had been expecting for so long.
Even after it became
clear that the deadly events had been committed by a youth with
xenophobic views and not jihadist fanatics, parts of the online
community refused to budge in their view that the attack had been
conducted by an Islamist terrorist. Of course, the "lying
cartel" comprised of politicians and the media had kept all this
under wraps, they alleged. Twitter users wrote that jihad had finally
arrived in Germany and were validated with likes for having the
courage to say what felt like the truth.
Seldom has a single
crime illustrated so plainly the incomprehension that prevails in
these times of violence as the shooting spree in Munich. The
perpetrator was a young German man with Iranian roots -- and possibly
racist motives -- who wanted to lure people of the same age into an
ambush. For a while, he was even regarded as a potential jihadist.
There are no simple categories left for classifying these kinds of
attacks -- not in Munich, Würzburg, Ansbach or Reutlingen. There are
also no easy answers.
The Nightmare of
Every Investigator
Is it all just
terrorism? By no means. Violence has many causes. But given that it
is happening at such frequent intervals and because fear is clouding
our thinking, it can be difficult to differentiate between a
spontaneous crime and a premeditated one. Was it conducted by a mad
man or an Islamist? Or perhaps neither? For law enforcement officials
these days, it can feel like staring at a "Where's Waldo?"
puzzle. It's also unsettling that they have to deal with such a
sinister phenomenon, namely that of the lone wolf -- a perpetrator
who comes out of nowhere before suddenly inflicting death.
The lone wolf is
every investigator's worst nightmare. From 2006 to 2014, almost
three-quarters of the terrorism deaths in Western nations were the
product of lone wolves or small, autonomous cells. After the latest
attacks, the question of whether lone wolves can be stopped is more
relevant than ever.
The US and the
European Union are making an enormous effort to answer this question,
with some success. Research indicates that lone wolves actually leave
behind more of a trace before committing their crimes than officials
trying to track them had previously believed. In many cases, lone
wolves act anything but alone. And they suggest that authorities
would be well advised, even after 9/11, not to assume that terrorism
will be perpetrated exclusively by Islamists.
In a study called
"Lone-Actor Terrorism," several European think tanks
analyzed 98 attacks by individuals in the EU, Switzerland and Norway
and determined that from 2009 to 2014, some 38 percent of attacks may
have been "religiously inspired," but 33 percent were also
perpetrated by right-wing extremists like Anders Behring Brevik, who
killed 77 people in Norway on July 22, 2011 -- the same man who
apparently served as an inspiration for the Munich shooter.
Researchers are therefore warning the European security apparatus
against focusing primarily on the threat from Islamists, as many have
done in recent years.
At the same time, no
other group has been as savvy in Europe at attracting lone wolves for
its purposes as the Islamic State. Its propaganda apparatus is
non-stop in its efforts to animate activists worldwide for
do-it-yourself jihad. And it appears that IS' virally distributed
hate sermons are particularly appealing to people going through life
crises or who are suffering from mental problems.
Security authorities
believe that a large share of the Europeans who kill in IS' name have
mental disorders. This group also now likely includes Mohammad
Daleel, the Ansbach suicide bomber. He had been facing deportation
from Germany and had allegedly attempted to kill himself twice
before. Was he sick or an Islamist? Possibly both. "Before,
people with depression simply committed suicide," says French
sociologist Farhad Khosrokhavar. "Now they take other people
down with them" and claim to be part of IS when they do so.
Early Warning
Systems
That makes
combatting lone wolves more difficult for investigators. Still, the
fact that lone wolves don't act nearly as secretively and discreetly
as people long thought offers one glimmer of hope for security
agencies. In a study financed by the US Justice Ministry in 2015,
American researchers Mark Hamm and Ramon Spaaij determined that,
"Virtually all lone wolves demonstrate affinity with some
person, group or community, be it online or in the real world."
Since the rise of
social networks, many supposed lone wolves have left behind digital
hints about their plans, which could make it easier to track them
before they strike. "If lone wolves announce their violent
intentions beforehand, then steps can probably be taken to stop
them," Hamm and Spaaij wrote.
In this age of
violence, an old hope of criminologists has reemerged, namely that of
prevention. Intelligence services in America and Europe have been
working for some time now on a kind of global digital early warning
system. In building it, they are also encroaching ever more deeply
into our personal privacy. Around the world, governments have
invested billions in programs aimed at casting light on virtual
spaces.
In July 2015,
Europol's Internet Referral Unit began tracking and investigating
user accounts that are used to spread terrorist propaganda.
In Germany, the
Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution, the domestic
intelligence agency responsible for monitoring extremism, established
a special unit in an effort to detect potential perpetrators in the
digital world. Meanwhile, the Bundesnachrichtendienst, Germany's
foreign intelligence agency, is planning to intensify its monitoring
of social networks within the scope of its "Strategic Initiative
Technology" program. The German Federal Criminal Police Office
also has a program in place for the early identification of potential
attackers. Following the Munich massacre, investigators are also
increasing their efforts to scrutinize the so-called Darknet.
No agency in the
world can sift all the data created online. On YouTube alone, several
hundred hours of new videos are posted each minute. Instead, Western
governments are counting on assistance from net communities with
their billions of members.
Part
2: Ansbach and Würzburg Are not New York, London or Paris
In early 2016,
representatives of the US government and its intelligence agencies
met with major Internet companies, including Apple, Facebook, Twitter
and Microsoft. The high-level deliberations took place behind closed
doors, seeking answers to the question of how "to deal with the
growing threat of terrorists and other malicious actors using
technology." The meeting reportedly included considerations for
establishing a permanent system for using crowd-sourcing to track
terrorists.
Facebook's
anti-suicide alarm could serve as a model. The service allows users
to alert others if one of their friends' posts seems unusually gloomy
or shows troubling signs of depression.
Will users set off
alarm bells in the future if they search for things like "IS,"
"decapitation" and "infidels" too often? And how
many researchers, criminologists, politicians and journalists will be
caught up in the authorities' wide dragnet? How many of their names
will one day be included on lists of terrorism suspects -- lists that
are constantly growing and easy to lose sight of?
Even if the
authorities manage to create an early warning system with the help of
algorithms and citizen volunteers, one question remains open: Will
early be early enough? It's true that many lone wolves announce their
plans ahead of time, but most of the time they do so surreptitiously
through encryption -- or right before they strike.
On the morning of
Nov. 1, 2013, 23-year-old Paul Anthony Ciancia stormed into his
flatmate's room and insisted he immediately drive him to the Los
Angeles airport. What's more: He sent a text message to his family in
New Jersey in which he hinted at his impending suicide. Ciancia's
father alerted the police and officers arrived at Ciancia's apartment
shortly thereafter. But they were too late. The lone wolf was already
at the airport, where he shot four people, one fatally.
Are Attacks
Preventable?
Can terrorist
attacks and shooting sprees be prevented? Are there effective
strategies against the radicalization of youths? Is it possible to
recognize when young migrants begin to direct their anger toward
their newly adopted home?
If you ask
researchers at the University of Maryland and Jacobs University in
Bremen, Germany, the answer is yes to all of the above. But there's
one condition: We have to let go of our false belief that religion
plays the decisive role in the matter.
The American and
German researchers wanted to figure out what the appeal of jihad was
for young Muslims who grew up in the West, so they conducted a
psychological study, titled, "The Struggle to Belong: Immigrant
Marginalization and the Risk of Homegrown Radicalization." They
surveyed 464 people, mostly young and educated Muslims in the United
States, the Netherlands and Germany.
They found that the
more young people felt rejected by a majority of society, the more
susceptible they were to fundamentalist, black-and-white thinking.
Migrants who neither
felt at home in Germany nor in their countries of origin are prone to
radical ideas, says Klaus Boehnke, who co-directed the study. For
these people, acceptance is paramount. "But instead, we make
them feel like outsiders," Boehnke says.
Thomas Mücke, head
of the Violence Prevention Network (VPN), believes prevention must be
far more comprehensive and begin much sooner. The VPN looks after
more than 200 at-risk youth. Mücke speaks of a "cocktail of
frustration" that gradually builds up in disenfranchised
adolescents. From there, it's only a matter of time before it can be
exploited by extremists. "If integration fails and a young
refugee feels alone and ostracized, that's when they start
recruiting," Mücke says. In his opinion, further attacks won't
be prevented with more repression and surveillance. "We need an
educational infrastructure in addition to our security infrastructure
in Germany."
After so many years,
the German government seems to have come to a similar conclusion. For
the first time, the Interior and Family Ministries have joined forces
to come up with a "Strategy of the Federal Government for
Extremism Prevention and Democracy Promotion," which they
unveiled two weeks ago. The 62-page paper makes clear that "security
policy" is no longer solely in the foreground; preventative
measures are weighted just as heavily.
German Family
Minister Manuela Schwesig has set her sights on a new law that would
guarantee financing for the country's numerous prevention programs.
Until now, these programs have had to beg for fresh funds on a nearly
annual basis. Organizations focusing on prevention among refugees, in
particular, will be supported in the future. During a meeting with
her state-level counterparts last week, Schwesig said her ministry
would come up with draft proposals over the summer.
Finding a New
Approach
The severity of the
situation is on full display in the office of Mechthild Wenk-Ansohn,
a doctor and psychotherapist who has spent 23 years working in the
outpatient clinic of the Berlin Center for the Treatment of Torture
Victims (BZFO). Since last year, she has been practically overrun
with refugees. Wenk-Ansohn estimates that at least a quarter of the
people who seek asylum in Germany are in need of psychological care.
Her doctor's office
is like a seismograph that measures the impact of political decisions
in the German capital on the psyches of refugees. When the government
decided to limit the ability of asylum-seekers to have their families
come join them, Wenk-Ansohn could immediately see the effect it was
having on her patients. A similar thing happened when it became clear
that the countries in the Maghreb region would be deemed safe places
of origin by the German government. "Every political decision,
every official letter can plunge a person who is already in an
unstable condition deeper into crisis. Very often, this can lead to
suicidal tendencies," Wenk-Ansohn says.
This is even truer
for young refugees who get stranded in Germany without their parents
or contacts and often without any prospects for the future. Hospitals
located near asylum-seekers' dormitories are often confronted with
teenage refugees who have tried to kill themselves. Most clinics
don't have the capacity to cope with these situations.
In the southwestern
German state of Saarland, authorities are trying something new. There
too, young refugees have tried to take their own lives by swallowing
thumbtacks, injuring themselves with knives, knocking their heads
against radiators until they bleed or trying to strangle themselves.
Since last August,
however, unaccompanied minors living in Saarland have been getting
psychological assistance without even realizing it. A support system
has been integrated into their daily lives -- one that often takes
place in groups -- and it's been hugely successful. Whereas there was
at least one attempted suicide by an unaccompanied minor every night
a year and a half ago, now that figure is down to two per month,
according to Eva Möhler, the head of child and youth psychiatry at
the SHG Kliniken Sonnenberg medical center in Saarland.
Möhler came up with
a concept she called START, which stands for stress, trauma symptoms,
arousal regulation and treatment. "It's a short-term
intervention designed to help people overcome acute, emotional crises
and learn to self-regulate themselves and their feelings," she
explains.
She says that
refugees don't arrive in Germany as aggressive, unapproachable
criminals; at first, they're full of hope. People here need to be
careful not to destroy that by plastering the new arrivals with
negative labels. "If a young refugee hears over and over again
that he's not wanted and is treated as if he's a thief or potentially
violent, it's not surprising if he adopts that role at some point,"
Möhler says.
With the way things
are now, Möhler would have a tough time convincing the broader
public of the utility of her work. Doctors and psychologists promise
solutions in the medium term, but many people are feeling an acute
sense of insecurity. They want immediate solutions.
Even before the
series of attacks in July, fears of terrorism had overtaken all other
worries among Germans in the polls. And coupled with those fears is a
growing rejection of migrants and Muslims. For many, the fact that it
was Muslims who swung an ax in Würzburg and detonated a bomb in
Ansbach was confirmation of the next supposedly irrefutable truth:
That Islam is synonymous with terrorism.
The majority of
Germans have not jumped to such conclusions following the recent
violence, but for a large, very vocal minority, a sense of fear could
change to aggression, as seen during the refugee crisis last year.
Spreading Vitriol
In the days since
the ax attack in Würzburg, a number of Germans have resorted to
vigilante justice. In Gailhof in the German state of Lower Saxony, as
well as in Rösrath in North Rhine-Westphalia, asylum-seekers have
been attacked out in the open. In Niesky, in the state of Saxony,
shots were fired from a car at a dormitory for refugees. In Dresden,
Heidenau and Königstein, anonymous vandals painted chalk outlines in
front of train stations and left behind leaflets with the words
"Migration kills" splashed across them.
Countless people are
also taking to social networks again to spread their vitriol. They
agitate against German Chancellor Angela Merkel under the hashtag
#merkelsommer -- which translates to #merkelsummer -- saying she
opened the floodgates and let criminals, rapists and terrorists into
the country. "Germany is sacrificing its citizens on the altar
of massive immigration," one anonymous user wrote on Twitter.
In order to
capitalize on the violence to the greatest extent possible, one
political party wasted no time in making fear one of their party's
central credos. Frauke Petry, the head of the far-right Alternative
for Germany (AfD) party, wrote on Facebook on Monday: "Würzburg,
Reutlingen, Ansbach … Is Germany colorful enough for you, Ms.
Merkel?" The party's second-in-command, Alexander Gauland,
called for the right to asylum to be lifted for Muslims.
But the AfD
politicians weren't the only ones who sought to link Merkel's refugee
policy with the recent violence. The head of the far-left Left Party,
Sahra Wagenknecht, did too -- to the chagrin of her party colleagues.
Early last week, the politician issued a press release stating that
"events of recent days show that there are considerable problems
associated with taking in and integrating a large number of refugees
and migrants and that it is more difficult than Merkel tried to
convince us it would be last fall with her frivolous 'We can do it'"
mantra. The popular politician said "potential threats"
must be tracked so "that the people of our country can feel safe
again."
Merkel, for her
part, sought to calm the country with a mixture of sober reflection
and determination. The "barbaric acts" would be clarified
quickly, Merkel promised last Thursday. At the same time, she warned
against overreacting. The terrorists' goal is to "destroy our
way of life. They sow hatred and fear among cultures, and they sow
hatred and fear among religions."
Merkel knows just
how precarious her situation is. During public appearances, she is
repeatedly confronted with the accusation that the state has lost
control. Every act of violence only serves to further strengthen that
sentiment. "It is unbelievably difficult to counter that,"
a close confidant of Merkel's explains.
Reflexive Responses
Merkel wants to
prevent a discussion of her immigration policy from flaring up. But
that approach didn't take into account CSU head and Bavarian Governor
Horst Seehofer, one of the leading critics of the chancellor's
refugee policies from the very beginning. "We were validated in
all of our prophecies. Especially concerning security policy,"
Seehofer said last week at a meeting of his state government cabinet.
He then proceeded to present a list of demands from his law-and-order
policy toolbox: allow domestic deployments of the German army, the
Bundeswehr, hire more police officers, push through more encompassing
data retention legislation and increase surveillance at refugee
hostels.
Seehofer's interior
minister, Joachim Hermann, went a step further, saying that
"deportations to crisis regions" should "no longer be
taboo." Bavarian Justice Minister Winfried Bausback called for
electronic ankle bracelets for extremists. There was only one
problem: The Islamist who murdered a priest in France last week was
wearing such a device -- and it didn't stop him from committing that
grisly crime.
These are the same
reflexive responses that have dominated Western security policy for
the past 15 years. Since 9/11, around two dozen new anti-terror laws
or amendments to existing legislation have been enacted in Germany.
Many of them had to be corrected or were rejected outright by
Germany's Constitutional Court because they were hastily written in
the immediate aftermath of a violent attack.
The fact that
expanding government powers alone isn't enough to prevent further
violence from happening is perhaps best exemplified by France. A
state of emergency has been in place there for nine months and police
and intelligence officers enjoy even broader powers than they do in
Germany. Yet French authorities were still powerless to stop the most
recent terrorist attacks, such as the one in Nice that killed 84
people.
Seehofer and
officials in his CSU party are similarly convinced of the state's
obligation to do something -- anything -- in times of uncertainty.
After the chaos of the last weeks, admitting it is too early to come
up with a substantive response doesn't seem to be an option.
The CSU party chief
has at least refrained from further radicalizing the political
discourse so far. Whether he'll continue to do so will depend on his
performance in the polls. Lately, approval ratings for the CSU have
been stable, but if there are more Islamist extremist attacks, the
party's rhetoric will only intensify -- and the cycle of fear will
escalate.
Germany Spared Major
Attacks
It must be noted
that while the latest wave of violence in Bavaria and elsewhere may
have brought terrorism uncomfortably close to home, Germany has still
been spared a major attack. Ansbach and Würzburg are not New York,
London or Paris -- and they're certainly not Baghdad or Kabul. Of the
thousands of people who are killed by terrorism every year, only a
very small percentage of them are Europeans or Germans.
And when delusional
or insane people are forced to reach for axes or knives to do their
killing, it just goes to show that Germany is better prepared than
many people think. Someone who avoids trains out of fear for their
life and instead chooses to drive a car should know that they're
exposing themselves to an incomparably greater risk.
Fear brings the
world into disarray; it is often felt most strongly where there is
the least danger -- and vice versa.
In the chaos of the
recent shooting spree in Munich, while it still wasn't clear who the
shooter was or whether he was acting alone and public transportation
came to a standstill, something else happened: Munich residents took
stranded, frightened and panicked people into their homes. Even the
Bavarian state parliament building and numerous mosques opened their
doors. People organized emergency shelters in their neighborhoods,
coordinating their efforts under the hashtag #offenetuer, German for
#opendoor.
Countless strangers
found protection in the apartments of Munich residents.
Fear had to wait
outside.
Reported by Maik
Baumgärtner, Anna Clauß, Martin Knobbe, Ann-Kathrin Müller, Ralf
Neukirch, Sven Röbel, Jörg Schindler and Wolf Wiedmann-Schmidt
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