Marseille’s
drug war reshapes France’s political battlefield
A surge
in violence is dominating the mayoral contest as French politics gears up for
next year’s presidential election.
January
27, 2026 4:01 am CET
By Victor
Goury-Laffont
https://www.politico.eu/article/marseilles-drug-war-reshapes-france-politics-mayoral-election/
MARSEILLE,
France — Violence at a drug trafficking hotspot in the social housing complex
next to Orange’s headquarters in Marseille forced the telecoms giant to lock
its forest-green gates and order its thousands of employees to work from home.
The
disruption to such a recognizable company — one that gives its name to the
city’s iconic football venue — became a fresh symbol of how drug trafficking
and insecurity are reshaping politics ahead of municipal elections.
In a
recent poll, security ranked among voters’ top concerns, forcing candidates
across the spectrum to pitch competing responses to the drug trade.
“The
number one theme is security,” center-right candidate Martine Vassal told
POLITICO. “In the field, what I hear most often are people who tell me that
they no longer travel in the heart of the city for that reason.”
French
political parties are watching the contest closely for clues about the broader
battles building toward the 2027 presidential race.
In many
ways, Marseille is a microcosm of France as a whole, reflecting the country’s
wider demographics and its biggest political battles.
The city
is diverse. Multicultural and low-income neighborhoods that tend to support the
hard left abut conservative suburbs that have swung to the far right in recent
years. As in much of France, support for the political center in Marseille is
wobbling.
The
left-wing incumbent Benoît Payan remains a slight favorite in the March
contest, but Franck Allisio, the candidate for the far-right National Rally, is
just behind, with both men polling at around 30 percent.
The
issues at play strike at the heart of Marseille’s identity: its notorious drug
trade, entrenched poverty and failure to seize on the competitive advantages of
a young, sun-drenched city strategically perched on the Mediterranean.
Whichever
candidate can articulate a platform that speaks to Marseille’s local realities
while addressing anxieties shared across France will be well positioned to take
city hall — and to provide their party with a potential blueprint for the 2027
presidential campaign.
Second
city
Marseille
has always had something of a little-brother complex with Paris, a resentment
that goes beyond the football rivalry of Paris Saint-Germain and Olympique de
Marseille.
Many in
the city regard the French capital as a distant power center that tries to
impose its own solutions on Marseille without sufficiently consulting local
experts.
“Paris
treats Marseille almost like a colony,” said Allisio. “A place you visit, make
promises to — without any guarantee the money will ever be spent.”
When it
comes to drug trafficking and security, leaders across the political spectrum
agree that Paris is prescribing medicine that treats the symptoms of the
crisis, not the cause.
Violence
associated with the drug trade was thrust back in the spotlight in November
with the killing of 20-year-old Mehdi Kessaci. Authorities are investigating
the crime as an act of intimidation. Mehdi’s brother Amine Kessaci is one of
the city’s most prominent anti-trafficking campaigners, rising to prominence
after their half-brother — who was involved in the trade — was killed several
years earlier.
President
Emmanuel Macron, Interior Minister Laurent Nuñez and Justice Minister Gérald
Darmanin all visited Marseille in the wake of Kessaci’s killing, outlining a
tough-on-crime agenda to stop the violence and flow of drugs.
Locals
stress that law-and-order investments must be matched with funding for public
services. Unless authorities improve the sluggish economy that has encouraged
jobless youths to turn to the drug trade, the problem will continue.
“Repression
alone is not efficient,” said Kaouther Ben Mohamed, a former social worker
turned activist. “If that was the case, the drug trade wouldn’t have flourished
like it did.”
Housing
is another issue, with many impoverished residents living in dangerous,
dilapidated buildings.
“We live
in a shit city,” said Mahboubi Tir, a tall, broad-shouldered young man with a
rugby player’s physique. “We’re not safe here.”
Tir spent
a month in a coma and several more in a hospital last April after he was
assaulted during a parking dispute. His face was still swollen and distorted
when he spoke to POLITICO in December about how the incident reshaped his
relationship with the city he grew up in.
“I almost
died, and I was angry at the city,” said Tir, who suffers from memory loss and
has only a vague recollection of what led to the assault, as he sipped coffee
in the backroom office of a tiny, left-leaning grassroots political party where
he volunteers, Citizen Ambition.
Security
problem
To what
extent Marseille’s activist groups can bring about change in a city whose
struggles have lasted for decades remains to be seen, but the four leading
candidates for mayor share a similar diagnosis.
They all
believe the lurid crime stories making national headlines are a byproduct of a
lack of jobs and neglected public services — and that the French state’s
responses miss the mark. Rather than relying on harsher punishments as a
deterrent, they argue the state should prioritize local policing and public
investment.
When
Payan announced his candidacy for reelection, he pledged free meals for 15,000
students to get them back in school and to double the number of local cops as
part of a push for more community policing.
Allisio’s
platform puts the emphasis on security-related spending: increased video
surveillance, more vehicles for local police and the creation of “specialized
units to combat burglary and public disorder.”
Vassal —
the center-right backed by the conservative Les Républicains and parties
aligned with Macron — has similarly put forward a proposal to arm fare
enforcers in public transport.
Both
Allisio and Vassal are calling for unspecified spending cuts while preserving
basic services provided at the local level like schools, public transportation
and parks and recreation.
Vassal,
who is polling third, said she would make public transportation free for
residents younger 26 to travel across the spread-out city. She accuses the
current administration of having delivered an insufficient number of building
permits, slowing the development of new housing and office buildings and thus
the revitalization of Marseille’s most embattled areas — a trend she pledged to
reverse.
Both
Vassal and Allisio are advocating for less local taxes on property to boost
small businesses and create new jobs. Allisio has also put forward a proposal
to make parking for less 30 minutes free to facilitate deliveries and quick
stops to buy products.
The
outlier — at least when it comes to public safety — is Sébastien Delogu, a
disciple of three-time hard-left presidential candidate Jean-Luc Mélenchon.
Though Delogu is polling fourth at 14 percent, he can’t be counted out, given
that Mélenchon won Marseille in the first round of the last two presidential
elections.
Though
Delogu acknowledges that crime is a problem, he doesn’t want to spend more
money on policing. He instead proposes putting money that other candidates want
to spend on security toward poverty reduction, housing supply and the local
public health sector.
Whoever
wins, however, will have to grapple with an uncomfortable truth. Aside from
local police responsible for public tranquility and health, policing and
criminal justice matters are largely managed at the national level.
The
solution to Marseille’s problems will depend, to no small extent, on the
outcome of what happens next year in Paris.
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