Analysis
What a
Gorton byelection win would mean for Reform, Greens and Labour
Jessica
Elgot
Deputy
political editor
Polls put
seat in three-way dead heat with Labour facing threats from Reform and Green
party in once safe seat
Thu 26
Feb 2026 06.00 GMT
https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2026/feb/26/gorton-denton-byelection-reform-greens-labour
The
Gorton and Denton byelection is the biggest electoral test yet for Keir Starmer
before what are expected to be disastrous results for Labour in the May local
elections. Polls put the race in a three-way dead heat, making it nearly
impossible to call.
The vote
is particularly symbolic because of the threat Labour faces from Reform UK and
the Green party in a once safe seat. Should Labour lose, it will put the
spotlight back on Starmer’s decision to block Andy Burnham, the mayor of
Greater Manchester, from contesting the seat.
There are
big implications for Starmer’s premiership, whatever the result, but also for
the wider political landscape. Here’s what it could mean.
1. Reform
UK win
A win for
Reform UK’s candidate, Matt Goodwin, would be the biggest sign yet that Nigel
Farage’s poll lead represents real voter intentions rather than being merely a
symbol of dissatisfaction with the government. Goodwin rarely talks about
Reform’s politics or local issues and has repeatedly made the fight a
referendum on Starmer’s leadership.
Gorton
and Denton is 440th on the Reform target list, according to an insider. The
party won the Runcorn and Helsby byelection almost a year ago by just six votes
– a victory here would suggest it is sustaining momentum. Reform said it
expected at least 1,000 activists to get out the vote – particularly people who
don’t usually vote, who have been key to delivering other byelection victories.
Goodwin
is a divisive, hyper-online candidate who has family roots in Manchester but
spent most of his adult years in the south-east of England. He is arguably more
of a Marmite character than Sarah Pochin, who ran in Runcorn, despite her share
of controversies since she was elected.
A Reform
victory would also put paid to the argument advanced by Labour strategists that
progressives will unite to defeat Reform when they know how to vote tactically.
There
would be vicious recriminations between Labour and the Greens. The latter may
well be able to argue if they come second that it was Labour who split the
progressive vote and stopped a Green victory. Should Labour come third, it is
hard to see how Starmer survives much longer as prime minister when he cannot
unite progressives against candidates like Goodwin.
2. Greens
win
A Green
victory might be the most catastrophic result for Starmer’s leadership and
would show the Greens are a serious progressive force, not a protest vote.
It would
also show that Labour is not the automatic beneficiary of an anti-Reform
alliance and would make MPs standing in urban seats fearful of the Green
threat, which is likely to be compounded by local election results in London.
Polls and
betting markets repeatedly put the Greens ahead and a win would suggest Hannah
Spencer’s enthusiastic campaign means they could capitalise on an increase in
disillusioned progressive voters.
The Green
coalition could pull in former Labour voters who want to deliver Starmer a
kicking, many but not all of them from the area’s large Muslim community, as
well as students and young professionals in Levenshulme.
Labour
attacks on the Greens have been vicious, both on its drug policy, claiming the
party is willing to sell legalised drugs to teenagers, and on its defence
policy, referring to the party as “Putin’s useful idiots”.
The
Greens have repeatedly turned out large swathes of activists and have had to
work the seat from a base of zero. The party developed a canvassing app and up
to 1,000 activists routinely turn up on weekends.
Handwritten
letters have gone out to every voter in the constituency, completed by 300
volunteers. Activists have campaigned outside mosques during prayer times,
focusing on Labour’s record on Gaza, and have distributed leaflets in several
languages.
Aspects
of the Greens’ campaign have raised eyebrows, including using pictures of
Starmer meeting the Indian prime minister, Narendra Modi, in adverts aimed at
the area’s Muslim community.
The
strength of the Green campaign has allowed the party to argue it is Labour that
risks splitting the vote and letting in the Reform candidate. If Labour is
pushed into third place, there would be recriminations for Starmer. But if
Reform wins and the Greens come second, that would cause angst for the
progressive left about which party is the best challenger to the right.
3. Labour
win
Labour
activists have been unusually confident about their prospects of holding the
seat since the start of the campaign. Campaigners normally undersell when they
are the incumbents – even parties that believe they can win manage expectations
and describe how close the race is.
MPs and
campaigners who have visited Gorton and Denton have all expressed surprise at
how well the Labour vote is holding up. Starmer visited the seat this week. His
presence is not a vote-winning tactic – far from it – so the visit was probably
because of rising confidence that Labour can win.
Labour
has managed to energise its activist base, despite polling showing a broad
dissatisfaction with the government. The ban on Burnham’s candidacy was said by
some to be likely to dissuade activists, but that hasn’t happened – Labour has
had the most activists in its history register to campaign to get the vote out
on Thursday.
Starmer
allies who want the prime minister to take a more aggressively progressive
position have been happy with how Starmer has drawn dividing lines with Reform,
attacking Goodwin’s comments on whether people from minority ethnic backgrounds
can be truly British.
One
senior Labour source said it was an “electoral training ground for a new
approach of making values-led arguments for a diverse and tolerant society”.
There are
some on the left of the party who will be uncomfortable with how hard Labour
has targeted the Greens – particularly on drugs policy.
Labour
knows where its voters live and on polling day relentlessly targets them to get
them out to vote – knocking on the same doors four or five times until they are
certain its supporters have made it to the polling stations. If Labour wins, it
will be this campaigning and people power that are likely to have been key.
If
Angeliki Stogia wins, Starmer is likely to breathe a sigh of relief that Labour
is holding its progressive coalition together in the face of a Reform threat,
and that Reform’s momentum may have peaked. The prime minister would also
swerve the possibility of another threat to his leadership.
That
would probably be an overly optimistic assessment. Indeed, if the election has
barely 1,000 votes between the top three parties, then each would be wise not
to overanalyse the results – but that won’t stop anyone.
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