What Brontë Country Tells Us About Britain Today
The
windswept area of northern England where Emily Brontë wrote “Wuthering Heights”
remains a place of startling natural beauty.
Literature
fans flock to Haworth, the village where the Brontë siblings grew up,
sustaining a thriving local economy.
But the
wider area illustrates the economic stagnation and regional inequality that is
disrupting politics in Britain today.
In much
of the area, there is high unemployment — alongside talent, energy and promise.
Michael
D. ShearAndrew Testa
By
Michael D. ShearVisuals by Andrew Testa
Reporting
from Haworth and Bradford, England
https://www.nytimes.com/2026/02/24/world/europe/bronte-country-haworth-bradford-uk-today.html
Feb. 24,
2026
Nestled
among the wide-open moors of West Yorkshire sits Haworth, the English village
where Emily Brontë wrote “Wuthering Heights,” the gothic romance that inspired
Hollywood’s latest steamy adaptation.
The
cobblestone streets and rugged hills here still conjure the hardscrabble life
and wild forces of nature that underpin the novel.
As it did
in 1847, when the book was published, the region offers a window into the stark
contrasts and economic struggles that challenge Britain. Now, as then, social
and demographic change, rising food prices and widening wealth inequality are
driving populist political movements, calls for reform and spasms of unrest.
Haworth
is eight miles from Bradford, a town that Emily’s father, Patrick, visited
often in his role as an Anglican priest. In the mid-19th century, Bradford was
a wealthy, fast-growing center of textile manufacturing, home to powerful
parliamentary lawmakers and a destination for tourists and traders.
The
city’s decline is typical of the hollowing-out of many postindustrial towns and
cities in northern England, fueling the poverty and frustration that are
shaking up British politics.
A special
election on Thursday and countrywide voting in May are expected to underscore
how Britain’s traditional two-party political system is fragmenting. Many
voters say they will support Reform U.K., a right-wing populist party, while
the Green Party is winning over left-wing voters disillusioned with the
governing Labour Party.
Today,
Bradford has twice as many unemployed workers as the national average. Forty
percent of children live in poverty. And immigration, encouraged by the
government to fill labor shortages here after the second world war, has at
times prompted division and tension.
The map
locates the village of Haworth, and the city of Bradford, in northern England,
not far from Liverpool and Manchester.
“It’s
been very neglected,” said Naz Shah, a Labour member of Parliament who
represents the Bradford West area. “We do have some of the most deprived wards
in the country.”
Wool
Capital of the World
In the
1830s, Bradford was a symbol of England’s industrial prowess. Steam-powered
mills made it the wool capital of the world, turning owners into a new wealthy
elite and creating an underclass of impoverished workers.
In
central Bradford. Immigration from Britain’s former colonies was encouraged by
the national government after the second world war to fill labor shortages.
Now, the
city’s wealth and power has mostly evaporated. The wool industry fell victim to
globalization amid the shift to cheaper manufacturing in Asia and the rise of
mass-produced synthetic fabrics.
Bradford’s
City Hall, a gothic edifice inspired by the Palazzo Vecchio in Florence, still
towers over the center, and some large businesses are headquartered here,
including Morrisons, one of Britain’s biggest supermarket chains. But the
downtown is filled with betting and vape shops and shuttered businesses.
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“Being
born here, I see the good and the bad,” Darren Edwards says in a walking tour
of his hometown that he posted to YouTube. He points out a few of Bradford’s
beautiful but “overlooked” buildings. But as he walks past an abandoned
shopping mall, he concludes that “everything’s filthy, neglected, grimy,
closed.”
For
decades a Labour stronghold, Bradford voted to leave the European Union in
2016, and polls show that Reform U.K., whose leader, Nigel Farage, championed
Brexit, is surging in popularity. “I do recognize there’s a rise of Reform,”
Ms. Shah, the Labour lawmaker, said. “You’d be naïve not to recognize that.”
Yet
Labour’s traditional dominance here is threatened by other forces as well. In
the 2024 general election, Ms. Shah held her seat by just 707 votes. Her
closest challenge came from an independent candidate, Muhammed Islam, who
criticized Labour for not being more condemnatory of Israel’s conduct in the
Gaza war.
Scenic
Haworth
One
afternoon in November, tourists gathered to listen to a banjo player outside
the Villette Coffee House in Haworth. Couples walked their dogs. Parents
struggled to push their strollers along the deeply rutted cobblestones.
Bradford’s
woes can seem far from here.
Many
people believe, incorrectly, that the Brontë siblings grew up in a remote,
backward place.
As Juliet
Barker writes in “The Brontës,” Haworth was actually “a busy, industrial
township” with 13 small textile mills in the area when Patrick Brontë became
curate in 1820. The village had its own surgeon, a wine merchant, a watchmaker
and three cabinetmakers. It was overcrowded, however, and had primitive
sanitation. An 1850 report found that more than 2 in 5 children died before
their sixth birthday and average life expectancy was under 26 years.
While
Bradford now struggles economically, Haworth became a destination for
literature fans around the world, exemplifying the value of Britain’s heritage
to its tourism industry, which employs over a million people and contributes
more than $100 billion a year to the economy.
A local
couple spent one Saturday stringing bunting from the wooden beams of Haworth’s
recently refurbished old schoolhouse building, where Charlotte Brontë, Emily’s
older sister and the author of “Jane Eyre,” had her wedding reception in 1854.
Down the street, tourists quietly filed through the Brontë home that is now a
museum. Outside, the moors stretch as far as the eye can see, rolling hills of
dark green and brown divided by bare stone walls.
The
heathlands, peat bogs and wetlands are now protected as part of a vast,
3,000-acre reserve. Last month, Condé Nast Traveller magazine called it one of
the seven “wonders of the U.K.”
Migration
and Backlash
Throughout
the area’s history, immigration and religion have been sources of tension.
Patrick
Brontë, who emigrated from Ireland, was subjected to abuse for his nationality
and accent. Hundreds of thousands of Irish immigrants came to England,
particularly after the devastating famine of the 1840s, and many found work in
the northern towns of Bradford, Leeds and York. Roman Catholics were viewed
with suspicion and, until the Emancipation Act of 1829, were barred from voting
or standing for election. Jews had to wait until 1858 to enter Parliament
without swearing a Christian oath, after a long political battle.
In
Bradford today, a third of residents have South Asian heritage, part of a huge
wave of immigration in the 1950s from Britain’s former colonies. As
Commonwealth citizens, the new workers had British passports, and many came
with their families to work in the textile industry.
The signs
in the city are everywhere. Restaurants featuring Pakistani, Indian and
Bangladeshi food sit next to the ubiquitous British pubs. The fragrant smells
of biryani rice and nehari, a dish made with beef or lamb shanks, tempt hungry
visitors.
But parts
of the community are hardly integrated. Racial and religious divisions have
fueled tension at various points in recent decades. In the early 1970s, there
were clashes between workers from different parts of Pakistan, increasing
conflict inside the still-operating textile factories.
In 2001,
after a wave of rioting, a government report concluded that the city had done a
poor job of integrating the large South Asian population. “Different ethnic
groups are increasingly segregating themselves from each other and retreating
into comfort zones made up of people like themselves,” the report found.
The
political impact has been profound. In 2012, after a Labour member of
Parliament lost a special election, an audit blamed the loss in part on a
Pakistani practice called “biraderi,” a system of influence in which families
and friends pledge loyalty.
“The
power structure associated with biraderi is highly patriarchal, socially
conservative and is regarded by its opponents in Bradford as promoting
mediocre, ideology-free stooges to the council,” the report, by the Joseph
Rowntree Reform Trust, concluded.
Ms. Shah
said that biraderi had made it harder for the community to come together. “If
you put people in positions of power, not because of accountability, but
because of who they are related to,” she said, “then that doesn’t contribute to
the development of a city.”
Nick
Ahad, a writer and broadcaster, has lived and worked in Bradford for most of
his life. His mother is from nearby Keighley, and his father is from
Bangladesh. He pointed out that the diversity of the area had brought benefits
as well as challenges.
“The same
thing that is perceived as racial tension — actually there’s a lot of richness
in the racial makeup of the city,” he said. “So you can go and have the best
curry that you will have in the country in Bradford, and there are great fish
and chips. You can go to some lovely pubs.”
Still,
the city’s history has made it ripe for the anti-immigration message of Reform
U.K., which last year announced plans to expel illegal immigrants through “a
new U.K. Deportation Command.” It would be called “Operation Restoring
Justice.”
Rebirth
and Recovery
As in
other parts of Britain, youth unemployment has long been an issue.
At one
point in 1839, when Emily Brontë was 21, all four adult Brontë children were
unemployed and living at home with their father in Haworth, Ms. Barker writes
in her biography. In the years that followed, Emily’s brother, Branwell, would
get — and lose — a job on the new railway line between Leeds and Manchester,
while the sisters would each work stints as governesses, enduring homesickness
and sometimes ill-treatment to pay their own way.
In
Bradford, jobs have been increasingly tough to find, with recent figures
showing that 6.8 percent of the city’s working-age population is unemployed.
Young people have struggled even more.
Part of
the reason for Bradford’s modern employment problems is a quirk of
transportation geography that prevents trains from traveling through the city
on their way to or from London. Over the years, train companies avoided the
city altogether, routing through nearby Leeds instead.
That has
had a marked effect on the city’s economic well-being. Iconic businesses like
Harvey Nichols, John Lewis and Liberty, along with flagship stores for Apple,
Lego and Nike, are in Leeds, taking jobs and economic energy with them.
In recent
years, Bradford’s council and the national government have tried to turn things
around.
Some old,
decaying buildings have been torn down or adapted. The Wool Exchange building,
once the heart of the wool trade, is a Waterstones bookstore. A new food hall,
the Darley Street Market, opened in July.
And last
year Bradford was named Britain’s “city of culture,” with the government
providing money and support for a year of events to highlight its cultural
heritage and to inspire tourists to visit.
There are
also plans to eventually fix the train stations. Last month, British officials
announced a plan worth £45 billion, about $60 billion, to improve the rail
system in the northern part of the country. Local officials have said some of
the money is earmarked to finally connect Bradford’s two rail lines with a
single station.
As part
of the yearlong city of culture celebrations, a radio play by Mr. Ahad was
performed to a live audience. He said the success of the events had made him
optimistic that Bradford could rise above its sometimes troubled history.
“I see
the other artists that have decided to stay. I see the artists that have said,
‘We can make work here,’” he said. “You look at Chelsea in New York — the
artists come first, the culture comes first. And if you build yourself around
culture, then you give yourself a fighting chance.”
“I see
the other artists that have decided to stay,” said Nick Ahad. “I see the
artists that have said, ‘We can make work here.”
Michael
D. Shear is the chief U.K. correspondent for The New York Times, covering
British politics and culture and diplomacy around the world.




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