Elon
Musk’s beef with Britain isn’t (only) about politics. It’s about tech
regulation
Experts
suspect X owner’s interest in UK is to put pressure on authorities working to
codify a new online safety law
Julian
Borger
Sat 25 Jan
2025 13.00 CET
https://www.theguardian.com/technology/2025/jan/25/elon-musk-uk-politics-tech-online-safety-act
For those
wondering why Elon Musk, the tycoon newly infamous for his stiff-arm salutes,
developed a sudden ferocious interest in the UK this month, the answer may lie
in an arcane piece of online media legislation working its way gradually
towards fruition.
In a
ferocious flurry of tweets of his X platform this month, days before formally
joining the Trump administration, the world’s richest man portrayed Britain as
a dystopian “police state” run by a “tyrannical government” in which young
working-class women are routinely kidnapped off the streets by gangs of
immigrants.
He went
further, singling out the prime minister and Labour party leader, Keir Starmer,
for being “deeply complicit in the mass rapes in exchange for votes” and he
described a cabinet member, Jess Phillips, the minister for safeguarding
(protecting young girls from harm, for example), as a “rape genocide
apologist”.
A Financial
Times analysis of Musk’s tweets in the first week in January found that 225 out
of Musk’s 616 tweets and retweets in that period were about UK politics. The
barrage does not seem to have been provoked by any new political event. Much of
his focus appears to have been on rape cases in northern England involving men
of Pakistani descent which are more than a decade old.
Musk has
explained his interest by pointing to his British-born grandmother Cora Amelia
Robinson, to whom he was close to as a child. He said his “nana” was “one of
the poor working-class girls with no one to protect her who might have been
abducted in present day Britain”.
Gawain
Towler, a former head of communications and strategist for the hard-right
Reform party (which Musk has enthusiastically backed against the duopoly of
Labour and the Conservatives) argues the mogul does feel a genuine attachment
to Britain. He pointed out that Musk’s second wife, Talulah Riley, is British,
and some of his children are Anglo-American.
“Musk looks
at the UK as a sort of distant homeland,” Towler said. “I think he sees Britain
as Athens to America’s Rome, and he worries about it.”
He argued
that the timing of Musk’s dramatic intervention in British politics was a
matter of coincidence – he happened to see transcripts of the trials involving
northern English “grooming gangs” that abused hundreds of young girls over
decades, enabled by the disastrous inaction of the police and judicial system.
Keir Starmer
was director of public prosecutions from 2008 to 2013. His office failed to act
early in his tenure over doubts about the credibility of a central witness and
victim, but he acted decisively in the second half of his term, securing key
convictions and breaking up the gangs.
Political
and media analysts argue the timing of Musk’s political assault has little to
do with chance but is intended to put pressure on UK authorities as they work
to codify the Online Safety Act (OSA), an effort to regulate online platforms.
The OSA became law in 2023 but is yet to be implemented in practice. How that
is done is due to be decided by the spring.
This is all
flim-flam to disguise what he is really up to, and his agenda is purely
economic in nature
Imran Ahmed,
Center for Countering Digital Hate
Imran Ahmed,
a former Labour party adviser who now lives in Washington, where he runs the
Center for Countering Digital Hate, has extensive experience of being at the
receiving end of Musk’s displeasure for advocating regulation of X’s content.
He argues that the furore about northern English “grooming gangs” is a
diversion from Musk’s true aims: to fend off tough regulation.
“The media
and political classes in general are being distracted by his sleight of hand,”
Ahmed said. “This is all flim-flam to disguise what he is really up to, and his
agenda is purely economic in nature.”
Andrew
Chadwick, professor of political communication at the UK’s Loughborough
University, said that Musk’s focus on fending off regulation has both economic
and political motives.
“The
regulatory context threatens Musk’s idea of influence and how he operates in
the world and commands a global agenda, which aligns with the Trump
administration, and therefore any, any threat to that which kind of reduces his
legitimacy as a political actor, is a problem for him,” Chadwick said.
The OSA is
meant to put the onus on the big social media platforms to prevent children
from seeing potentially harmful content, such as pornography and material that
promotes self-harm, suicide and eating disorders. That will require age
verification systems. Adult viewers must be given the means to opt out of such
content, and the law will require the companies to ensure their platforms do
not host illegal material, with the use of codes of conduct, consistently
enforced.
The OSA was
considerably watered down by the Conservative government before it was passed
two years ago, and in its current form will do little to stop the spread of
disinformation by social media sites like X, which fuelled rightwing
anti-immigrant riots in Britain last summer.
“The irony
with the Online Safety Act is is that it has almost nothing that it can do to
deal with the issues that emanate from both Musk and X more broadly. It had
many of its teeth removed,” said Joe Mulhall, director of research of Hope Not
Hate, an anti-fascist advocacy organisation. But he added that the punitive
elements of the law addressing non-removal of illegal content could have
repercussions for X.
Much will
depend on how the regulator Ofcom enforces the law, and there are fears among
civil society groups that the Starmer government will pull its punches out of
fear of angering the Trump administration. During the campaign, the
vice-president, JD Vance, warned that continued US participation in Nato could
depend on whether its European allies sought to regulate X.
There was
further alarm when the UK technology secretary, Peter Kyle, said in November
the UK should show “a sense of humility” towards the tech giants, applying
statecraft usually reserved for sovereign nations. Earlier this month, Kyle
expressed regret that the previous Conservative government, which passed the
OSA, had watered it down by removing more severe restrictions on legal but
harmful content for adults. But he insisted the act had some “very good powers”
which he would use “assertively”.
Companies
that did not comply with the law would face “very strident” sanctions, he said.
In Brazil,
Musk bowed to government pressure and agreed to block X accounts accused of
spreading misinformation, as well as pay a $5m fine. Chadwick said the
effective implementation of the OSA could give further impetus to governments
around the world as they attempt to push back against Musk’s influence.
The EU has
parallel legislation, the Digital Services Act, which the European Commission
has been slow to enforce. There has been an investigation into potential
violations by X since December 2023, which appeared to be moving glacially
until last Friday when the commission gave X an ultimatum of 15 February to
hand over internal documentation on its “recommender systems” (how some posts
get promoted more than others) and any “recent changes” made to those systems.
The European
Commission also issued a “retention order” requiring X to “preserve internal
documents and information regarding future changes to the design and
functioning of its recommender algorithms” in the coming year. X was also asked
to hand over interface programmes that would allow the platform to be monitor
for its content moderation and “virality of accounts”.
Chadwick
said the European ultimatum suggested the European Commission was serious about
taking on X, and was “potentially a big development”. If the UK opts to
implement the OSA in an assertive way it could add to global momentum to
regulate the output of X and other social media platforms.
“Britain is
starting to sort of develop regulations that impact the interests of these
people and it provides a model which other countries could follow,” he said.
Musk
arguably did not buy Twitter to make money, but it could still cost him a lot
more cash than he bargained for. The DSA allows fines of up to 6% of global
annual turnover for digital companies which break the rules. The OSA envisages
fines of 10% of a company’s global trade, and prison sentences for senior
executives.
“I think
Musk may have overreached,” Chadwick said, referring to the recent ferocious
personal attacks on Starmer and others. “I think he has made it potentially
easier for the UK government, via Ofcom as it develops these new codes, to
implement the Online Safety Act. It’s taken ages so far and they have a bit
further to go, but my sense is that something has shifted in the past few
days.”
However, in
Musk the UK and Europe would be taking on a behemoth who has now combined his
hundreds of billions of dollars with the state machinery of the most powerful
country in the world. His clout is far greater than media tycoons from an
earlier age, like Rupert Murdoch.
“I think he
is really feeling his power right now,” said Jen Golbeck, a computer scientist
and professor in the University of Maryland’s college of information.
“All this
concentration of money and power has combined with an attitude common among a
lot of tech CEOs and Silicon Valley types – that they are exceptional and
should be able to do what they want, free of the confines that govern the rest
of the country,” Golbeck said.
“Elon
certainly has this worldview, and now the feeling of entitlement to do whatever
he wants, unhindered, combines with having the money and political clout to get
his way. So Europe and the UK pose threats to him doing whatever he wants, and
it’s a new place to flex his power. I think that is enough for him to feel like
he really can step into anything.”
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