Opinion
Lydia
Polgreen
Trump’s
Fantasy Is Crashing Down
March 6,
2026
Lydia
Polgreen
By Lydia
Polgreen
https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/06/opinion/trump-iran-war-gulf.html
Opinion
Columnist
In Donald
Trump’s fantasy world, America is invincible and impregnable.
Its
military is so advanced and skillful that it can pluck a sitting head of state
from a hostile country and deposit him in a New York City jail cell without
losing a single soldier. It can slap punitive tariffs on any nation it likes,
abandon longstanding alliances on a whim, bomb any country at any time and
freely blow up boats it may suspect of carrying drugs. America’s awesome power
means it is unfettered by any rules, untroubled by any consequences. As an
unfathomably rich and sprawling nation, blessed by geography and protected from
its enemies by two vast oceans, why shouldn’t it do what it will?
Over the
past six days, as Trump plunged the United States into a war with Iran, that
fantasy of omnipotence has come crashing into reality. Undertaken for
unexplained and perhaps unexplainable reasons, the war is being waged in a
central node of the global economy against a disciplined, well-armed opponent
with nothing to lose. America and Israel killed Ayatollah Ali Khamenei and a
dozen Iranian leaders on the first day of fighting, but Trump has clearly given
little thought to what comes next. Recklessly, he has ignited a widening
conflagration with no obvious end in sight. The death toll has already
surpassed 1,000 people.
For
America, the repercussions are just beginning. At least six American service
members have been killed, and the Pentagon, pointedly not ruling out boots on
the ground, has said more casualties are likely. Despite relentless attacks on
Iran’s military installations, the country has responded with relentless force.
It has
rained missiles and drones not only on American and Israeli targets but also on
the Gulf countries — the United Arab Emirates, Qatar and Saudi Arabia chief
among them — that play host to American military bases. Airports, hotels, data
centers and energy infrastructure have been struck, causing chaos. Meanwhile,
the Strait of Hormuz, a crucial choke point for the export of oil and gas, is
all but closed, sending shudders through energy markets.
This is
the world Trump tries to disavow — complex and interconnected, resiliently
interwoven and yet vulnerable to disruption. The Persian Gulf embodies it like
no other place. An apotheosis of globalization, it is a crossroads of money,
people and power deeply intertwined with not just America’s fortunes but also
Trump’s personal wealth. More than anything, it shows up — in its grounded
flights, shuttered refineries and intercepted missiles — the fallacy of
Fortress America.
Trump
neither sought nor received congressional approval, much less international
support, for his war. But perhaps the most shocking thing about his cavalier
approach is that he seems to have had no idea that the Gulf would be a target.
In an interview with CNN on Monday, he professed that Iran’s attacks on
American allies in the Gulf were “probably the biggest surprise” — despite the
fact that just about every country in the region had warned his administration
that Iran would surely attack them in retaliation for an American assault.
This
thoughtlessness is part of a pattern. For one thing, the Trump administration
has given no plausible explanation for the war, offering instead confused and
contradictory justifications. Secretary of State Marco Rubio even suggested
that America was effectively bounced into it by the prospect of an imminent
Israeli attack on Iran. Trump soon weighed in, claiming that he was actually
the one who pressured Israel into the venture. His press secretary, Karoline
Leavitt, perhaps offered the closest thing to the truth. “The president had a
feeling,” she told reporters on Wednesday, “that Iran was going to strike the
United States.”
For
another, Trump appears strangely uncertain about where the war is heading. “The
worst case would be we do this and then somebody takes over who’s as bad as the
previous person,” Trump mused on Tuesday, seated in his gilded Oval Office
alongside Chancellor Friedrich Merz of Germany. “We don’t want that to happen,”
he said, seeming to be considering this very real possibility for the first
time. “It would probably be the worst.”
It is
unsettling how often Trump affects astonishing indifference, as though the most
powerful man in the world were merely a spectator to events he himself has set
in motion — and who in any case has little investment in the outcome. But that
curious passivity reveals a darker truth. Trump seems to believe that he, like
his fantasy America, exists on a different plane, utterly untouchable by the
swirl of global events. The devastating consequences of his actions are not
just someone else’s fault. They are someone else’s problem, too.
That
illusion cannot survive contact with material reality. The postwar consensus
was built partly on a set of noble ideas about human rights and international
law, but in truth its backstop was economic interdependence. And not since
World War II has there been a conflict that unfolded in a crucial global
financial center. America’s major wars since then took place in nations that
were on the economic periphery: Korea, Vietnam, Afghanistan, Iraq.
America’s
last major foray in the Middle East casts a long shadow over the Iran war — it
was, in many ways, the crucible that gave us Trump. But the Gulf is a
fundamentally different place than it was when America invaded Iraq after 9/11.
Disastrous as that decision was, the region had not yet become the
indispensable node of the global economy that it is today.
There are
the oil and gas, of course. The Gulf is home to about half of the world’s
proven reserves of oil. Those are now imperiled: Scarcely any ships are getting
through the Strait of Hormuz, and oil producers are running out of storage
space. What’s more, one-fifth of the world’s liquid natural gas comes through
the strait, primarily from Qatar. On Wednesday, that country shut down its
liquefaction facilities and declared a force majeure, with potentially dire
implications for importers in Europe and East Asia.
Yet
alongside this resource wealth, Gulf nations have rapidly diversified in recent
decades, transforming the region into a center of finance, aviation, technology
and tourism, as well as a home to tens of millions of people from across the
globe. The sprawling airports and vast fleets of airliners in Dubai, Doha and
Abu Dhabi have made the region the busiest flight hub on the globe; about 80
percent of the world is an eight-hour flight away. The closure of these
airports has not only stranded hundreds of thousands of travelers, including
many Americans, but has also severed vital links between vast regions of the
world.
Indeed,
there are few people who would have better reason to appreciate the Gulf’s
centrality than Trump. After all, his family’s company has struck billions of
dollars of real estate deals in the region. His son-in-law Jared Kushner got $2
billion in 2022 from Saudi Arabia’s sovereign wealth fund for his private
equity company. An investment firm tied to the U.A.E. purchased nearly half of
the Trump family’s cryptocurrency company for $500 million just days before
Trump’s inauguration last year. A few months later, Qatar gave Trump the lavish
gift of a gilded Boeing 747.
That is
all in peril now, as the war spreads ominously. On Tuesday, America torpedoed
an Iranian warship with a crew of an estimated 180 people on board off the
coast of Sri Lanka, more than 2,000 miles from Tehran. On Wednesday, NATO
forces shot down a missile headed into Turkey’s airspace, prompting anxieties
about NATO needing to trigger Article 5. On Thursday, Azerbaijan said multiple
drones crossed its borders, injuring at least two people. Who knows what will
be next.
And yet
Trump presses on, declaring at one point that the war could go on “forever.” In
a manic briefing on Wednesday, Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth promised “death
and destruction from the sky all day long” over Tehran, a densely populated
city of about 10 million people. “This was never meant to be a fair fight, and
it is not a fair fight. We are punching them while they’re down, which is
exactly how it should be.”
Watching
Hegseth rant about limitless killing, I remembered the words of the
anticolonial poet and leader Aimé Césaire. “The hour of the barbarian is at
hand,” he wrote in his “Discourse on Colonialism” in 1950. “The modern
barbarian. The American hour. Violence, excess, waste, mercantilism, bluff,
conformism, stupidity, vulgarity, disorder.”
If war is
God’s way of teaching Americans geography, perhaps it will also serve as a
lesson to Trump. It should be a simple one: Other places and other people are
real, possessing their own agendas and agency — and America’s actions have
consequences it cannot control. Anything else is pure fantasy.
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