news
analysis
Israel
Keeps Killing Key Iranian Leaders. Will It Work?
Israeli
officials trumpeted airstrikes that killed Iran’s de facto leader and the
commanders of a militia notorious for violently suppressing protests. But
“decapitation has its limits,” an analyst warns.
The New
York Times
David M.
Halbfinger
By David
M. Halbfinger
Reporting
from Jerusalem
March 17,
2026
https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/17/world/middleeast/israel-iran-leader-deaths.html
Israeli
military and political officials on Tuesday trumpeted the killing of Ali
Larijani, Iran’s de facto leader, as a feat of intelligence and military
prowess.
Combined
with a deadly strike targeting top commanders of the country’s
internal-security militia, it was the most damaging blow to the Iranian
leadership since the first day of the U.S.-Israeli attack. Airstrikes that day
killed Ayatollah Ali Khamenei and his top military commanders in a Tehran
compound.
It also
highlighted how heavily Israel is relying on targeted killings to achieve its
war aims — especially its goal of destabilizing the Iranian government and
helping make way for a popular uprising by weakening its internal-security
forces. Earlier this year, those forces killed thousands of unarmed protesters.
“If we
persist in this, we will give them a chance to take their fate into their own
hands,” Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu told Israelis in a video message
Tuesday.
Israel
Katz, the country’s bombastic defense minister, said he had ordered the
military to keep hunting down Iranian leaders and to “repeatedly cut off the
head of the octopus and not let it grow.”
But Mr.
Larijani’s death raises questions about whether Israel is killing so many
Iranian leaders because that appears the surest way to achieve its military
objectives — or merely because it can. The approach carries a risk of
backfiring in unforeseeable ways.
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Israel
has long experience eliminating its enemies.
In 1972,
after 12 of its Olympic athletes were slain in Munich, Israel launched a
yearslong campaign of vengeance aimed at killing every person responsible. In
the early 2000s, it gunned down or blew up many Palestinians it accused of
terrorism during the Second Intifada. And in 2024, it killed Hassan Nasrallah,
the leader of Hezbollah, in an airstrike on his headquarters in Beirut. (His
successor was killed in an airstrike days later.)
Some
Israeli analysts say there is at least some basis to believe that the tactic
could now undercut Iran enough that the government signals a readiness to
compromise on its nuclear ambitions and ballistic-missile capabilities.
Sima
Shine, a former Mossad officer and expert on Iran and its proxies at the
Institute for National Security Studies in Tel Aviv, noted that the Nasrallah
killing helped weaken Hezbollah to the point that the Iranian-backed militant
group agreed to a cease-fire with Israel in late 2024.
“It might
come to a point where they say, this is too much for us,” Ms. Shine said. “We
are not there yet, and they’re not saying it, but it might happen.”
Eliminating
commanders of the internal security militia, the Basij, could similarly go a
long way toward persuading its lower-ranking members “to wake up in the morning
and not go to work,” she said.
But
killing a top Iranian leader like Mr. Larijani could prove counterproductive,
depending on who takes his place, Israeli analysts warned.
Mr.
Larijani had a reputation as a pragmatist capable of working with moderates and
hard-line military leaders alike, she said. His death could bolster hard-liners
like the head of the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps and the speaker of
Iran’s Parliament, Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, himself a former I.R.G.C.
commander.
“They are
the ones actually conducting the war,” Ms. Shine said. “And strengthening the
I.R.G.C. means continuing the resistance, continuing the war, and making
demands that are unacceptable to the U.S. and Israel.”
Others
argue that Iran’s leadership — its “bench,” in sports terms — is too deep for
Israel ever to bring its government to the point of collapse. After Ayatollah
Khamenei was killed, Iran named his son, Mojtaba Khamenei, a fellow hard-liner,
to succeed him as supreme leader.
“Decapitation
has its limitations,” said Danny Citrinowicz, a former head of the Iran branch
of Israeli military intelligence. “I don’t think we’ve scratched the surface in
the ability of Iran to find replacements that can take over for the people that
have been decapitated.”
Mr.
Citrinowicz noted that Israel killed nearly all of Hamas’s leaders in Gaza, and
both Mr. Nasrallah and his successor as Hezbollah’s leader. Yet both
organizations are still functioning, if significantly weakened.
“It’s not
that I don’t think decapitation is an important tool,” he said. “But we can’t
build a strategy only on that.”
A healthy
respect for the unknown — like unintended consequences — also argues against an
overreliance on targeted killings, said Ami Ayalon, 80, a former commander of
Israel’s internal security agency and of its navy.
In an
interview, he recalled warning disbelieving American officials that toppling
Saddam Hussein in Iraq would unleash chaos, not the flowering of democracy.
“We are
very, very close to creating chaos not only in Iran, but all over the Middle
East,” Mr. Ayalon said.
He
faulted American and Israeli leaders for failing to articulate clear,
achievable objectives for the war. And he suggested that Mr. Netanyahu’s
optimistic but vague talk of “creating the conditions” for the Iranian people
to overthrow the regime was misguided, misleading or both.
“Let’s
assume that Bibi is right,” he said, using Mr. Netanyahu’s nickname. “It will
take months or years. There are millions of people who depend on the regime,
and they understand that on the day after the war, they’re going to be
slaughtered. And they will fight and kill in order to not see that happen.”
Mr.
Ayalon added: “In chess, there are stupid players who think that it’s enough to
kill the king to win. But in the case of ideology, every player plays a major
role on the battlefield.”
David M.
Halbfinger is The Times’s Jerusalem bureau chief, leading coverage of Israel,
Gaza and the West Bank. He also held that post from 2017 to 2021. He was the
politics editor from 2021 to 2025.


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