sábado, 21 de fevereiro de 2026

French far right looks for Charlie Kirk moment after activist’s killing

 


French far right looks for Charlie Kirk moment after activist’s killing

Following the killing of 23-year-old activist Quentin Deranque in February 2026, the French far right is leveraging the event as a pivotal "Charlie Kirk moment" to delegitimize the left and frame their movement as a victim of political violence.

 

Key Context of the "Charlie Kirk Moment"

The Reference: The term refers to the September 2025 shooting death of American ultraconservative activist Charlie Kirk in the United States.

Political Framing: Former French Prime Minister Dominique de Villepin warned that this moment is being used to portray the "triumphant far right as a victim" and to marginalize segments of the political spectrum.

The Killing: Quentin Deranque was fatally beaten during a brawl between far-right and hard-left activists in Lyon on February 12, 2026; he succumbed to his injuries on February 14.

Suspects: Eleven people have been arrested, including two aides to a lawmaker from the hard-left party France Unbowed (LFI).

National Response: Jordan Bardella, president of the National Rally (RN), has declared that "the far left has killed," using the incident to demand bans on extremist groups and boost his party's mainstream credibility ahead of 2027 presidential elections.

Rallies: Marches are planned today in Lyon and other cities in memory of Deranque.

Security Alert: President Emmanuel Macron has called for calm, and Interior Minister Laurent Nunez has authorized an "extremely large police deployment" to prevent clashes between extremist groups during these rallies.

French far right looks for Charlie Kirk moment after activist’s killing

 


French far right looks for Charlie Kirk moment after activist’s killing

 

Ahead of local elections that serve as a bellwether for next year’s presidential campaign, the National Rally says it is the victim of an increasingly radical left wing.

 

February 20, 2026 4:00 am CET

By Marion Solletty and Victor Goury-Laffont

https://www.politico.eu/article/france-far-right-trying-orchestrate-us-charlie-kirk-moment-after-activists-killing/

 

PARIS — France’s far right is framing the death of an activist associated with far-right groups as a moment akin to the murder of Charlie Kirk in the United States.

 

The National Rally has in recent days started pointing to the killing of 23-year-old Quentin Deranque in Lyon as proof the poll-topping populist party is the victim of an increasingly radical political left, much as the MAGA movement in the United States did following Kirk’s assassination last year.

 

With key municipal elections next month serving as a bellwether of the National Rally’s electability heading into the 2027 presidential race, the incident has deepened the fissures in France’s polarized politics and fueled fears of further violence.

 

“What happened to Quentin, it feels like it could have happened dozens of times to our supporters in recent years,” said National Rally MEP Pierre-Romain Thionnet.

 

“Of course, those are not the same circumstances,” Thionnet said of the Kirk comparison. “But there are similarities in the way it resonates.”

 

Deranque was, unlike Kirk, unknown to the general public before he died Saturday after taking several blows to the head during a fight that broke out near a university where MEP Rima Hassan was attending an event.

 

The events leading up to the fight that cost Deranque his life remain unclear. The far-right feminist group Collectif Nemesis said Deranque was providing security for them at their protest against Hassan and her anticapitalist party, France Unbowed.

 

France Unbowed and its firebrand leader Jean-Luc Mélenchon have been the focus of most of the fury following revelations that police are investigating whether members of the now-disbanded antifascist group Young Guard, cofounded by France Unbowed lawmaker Raphaël Arnault, was involved in the fight.

 

A judge on Thursday placed two people under formal investigation for voluntary homicide, while one of Arnault’s parliamentary assistants was put under formal investigation for aiding and abetting a crime.

 

Lyon’s chief prosecutor told reporters earlier Thursday that he had requested seven people, including the assistant, be put under formal investigation for voluntary homicide. The prosecutor said three of the suspects told investigators that they were or had been affiliated with “ultra-left” groups. Some acknowledged that they took part in a fight but all denied their intent was to kill Deranque, the prosecutor said.

 

Right-wing shock

National Rally President Jordan Bardella likened the incident to terrorism at a press conference Wednesday, as U.S. President Donald Trump had done after Kirk’s death. 

 

“When an organization uses terror to impose its ideology, it must be fought with the same force as terrorist groups,” Bardella said. 

 

France Unbowed and its firebrand leader Jean-Luc Mélenchon have been the focus of most of the fury following revelations that police are investigating whether members of the now-disbanded antifascist group Young Guard was involved in the fight. | Sameer Al-Doumy/AFP via Getty Images

Marion Maréchal, Marine Le Pen’s niece and an MEP with Giorgia Meloni’s European Conservatives and Reformists, is asking the European Parliament to hold a debate “on the violence of the far left in Europe that threatens our democracies.”

 

Meloni herself weighed in, expressing her “shock” on X before blaming “left-wing extremism” and “a climate of ideological hatred that is sweeping across several nations” — sparking yet another feud with French President Emmanuel Macron.

 

Macron and his prime minister, Sébastien Lecornu, said France Unbowed must “clean house.”

 

France Unbowed is invoking Kirk’s killing as well, but as a cautionary tale, concerned about a Trump-like crackdown on universities.

 

French Education Minister Philippe Baptiste announced Tuesday he would seek to prevent political conferences at universities whenever authorities believed they could lead to confrontation. Hassan, the MEP who had been taking part in a conference in Lyon during the deadly confrontation, said she feared the government would respond with “censorship” at universities. 

 

And French media reported Thursday that Lyon Mayor Grégory Doucet was opposed to holding a march Saturday to honor Deranque over fears it could lead to more violence.

 

Historical violence

While the political climate in France appears to have turned more aggressive, historically most violence has been committed by extreme right-wing groups.

 

A 2021 study found that of the 43 homicides with ideological motives that occurred between 1986 and 2014, just four were committed by far-left militants.

 

The sociologist who oversaw that work, Isabelle Sommier, told French newspaper Le Monde in an interview published Thursday that the number of politically motivated assaults has doubled since 2017, most of them carried out by ultra-right extremists. She said if authorities determine that Deranque was killed by an antifascist group because of his political views, he’d be the first victim of extreme-left violence since the 1980s.

 

France Unbowed, for its part, has condemned the violent attack and said they played no role in it, stressing that the party’s call for a “civic revolution” is nonviolent. Arnault, the MP whose assistant is being investigated, expressed “horror and disgust” at the news of Deranque’s death and said he was working with parliamentary services to terminate the contract of an aide who reportedly took part in the fight.

 

The tragedy isn’t expected to affect France Unbowed’s prospects in the race to lead Lyon, France’s third-largest city. The party was not expected to win there and polling obtained exclusively by POLITICO following Deranque’s death shows no significant change in France Unbowed’s prospects.  

 

The bigger test will be whether the incident affects the outlook for mayoral races where France Unbowed candidates are expected to be competitive.

Hyperpolitics by Anton Jäger

 


POLITICS AFTER THE END OF THE END OF HISTORY

What happens when politics is everywhere, yet nothing seems to change? From the abandoned dance floors of Thatcher's London to the mass mobilizations of Black Lives Matter, Anton Jäger traces how pub­lic life has become infused with protest, spectacle, and moral urgency - while the old infrastructure of parties, unions, and civic solidarity has been hollowed out.

 

Hyperpolitics revisits the illusions of the "end of history" and dissects the strange energies that replaced them: viral outrage, endless culture wars, and the digital rush of causes that flare and vanish overnight. Jäger shows how the promises of post-Cold War liberalism gave way to a restless, unsteady public sphere where private pas­sions overflow into politics but rarely build enduring power.

 

Ranging from Guy Debord and Wolfgang Tillmans to Houellebecq's disenchanted fictions, Hyperpolitics makes sense of a world in which collective action remains fragmented and the social fabric thinner than ever. For anyone trying to grasp why our age feels so charged yet so incon­sequential, this book offers a vital map through the new contradictions of our hyperpolitical moment.

Anton Jäger



Anton Jäger

Anton Jäger (born 1994) is a Belgian historian of political thought and cultural commentator. He is currently a lecturer at the University of Oxford and a postdoctoral researcher at the Catholic University of Leuven.

 

His work primarily examines the history of capitalism, the crisis of democracy, and the evolution of political movements.

Hyperpolitics (2023): His most prominent recent work, which analyzes the shift from the "post-politics" of the 1990s to a modern state of hyperpolitics—characterized by high individual engagement but low institutional organization.

Welfare for Markets (2023): Co-authored with Daniel Zamora, this book provides a global intellectual history of Universal Basic Income (UBI).

The Populist Moment (2023): Co-authored with Arthur Borriello, exploring the left-wing populist movements that emerged following the 2008 Great Recession.

Academic and Public Presence

Education: He earned his PhD from the University of Cambridge, focusing on the history of American populism.

Writing: Jäger is a frequent contributor to major publications including The Guardian, The New York Times, New Left Review, and Jacobin.

Topics of Interest: He often comments on contemporary European and American politics, the concentration of extreme wealth, and the changing nature of labor and class.

Anton Jäger: The Far-Right's route to victory

The Journalist Behind the Carlson Airport Interview Speaks to CBN News

 

US envoy Mike Huckabee says it would be ‘fine’ if Israel took all Middle East land

 


US envoy Mike Huckabee says it would be ‘fine’ if Israel took all Middle East land

 

Rightwing Trump ally tells Tucker Carlson Israel has biblical right to land from ‘wadi of Egypt to the great river’

 

Edward Helmore

Fri 20 Feb 2026 22.29 GMT

https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2026/feb/20/mike-huckabee-israel-middle-east-tucker-carlson#:~:text=Rightwing%20Trump%20ally%20tells%20Tucker,%E2%80%9CThe%20Levant%20%E2%80%A6

 

The US’s ambassador to Israel, Mike Huckabee, has contended to the podcaster Tucker Carlson that Israel has a biblical right to take over the entire Middle East – or at least the lion’s share of it.

 

“It would be fine if they took it all,” Huckabee said to Carlson during an interview posted on Friday. The Trump administration appointee and former Arkansas governor discussed with Carlson interpretations of Old Testament scripture within the US Christian nationalist movement.

 

Carlson – who recently made disputed claims that he was detained at Tel Aviv airport in Israel – asked Huckabee about a biblical verse in which God promises Abraham that his descendants will receive land “from the wadi of Egypt to the great river, the Euphrates – the land of the Kenites, Kenizzites, Kadmonites, Hittites, Perizzites, Rephaites, Amorites, Canaanites, Girgashites and Jebusites”.

 

Carlson pointed out that this area in modern geography would include “like, basically the entire Middle East”.

 

“The Levant … Israel, Jordan, Syria, Lebanon – it’d also be big parts of Saudi Arabia and Iraq,” Carlson said.

 

Huckabee said: “I’m not sure it would go that far, but it would be a big piece of land.”

 

He continued: “Israel is a land that God gave, through Abraham, to a people that he chose. It was a people, a place and a purpose.”

 

Pressed by Carlson on whether Israel has the right to that land, Huckabee responded: “It would be fine if they took it all.”

 

The interview with Huckabee was conducted in Israel on a trip that generated headlines when Carlson claimed he had experienced “bizarre” treatment at Ben Gurion airport. But Israeli and US officials said he underwent routine security questioning.

 

Carlson has increasingly questioned US support of Israel, moving him from the center to the fringe of the Make America Great Again movement.

 

Huckabee represents a more traditional pro-Israel conservative position.

 

After Carlson’s aired his claims of unusual treatment in Tel Aviv, former Israeli prime minister Naftali Bennett said the former Fox News host was being “chickenshit”.

 

“Next time he talks about Israel as if he’s some expert, just remember this guy is a phony!” Bennett said in an X post on Wednesday.

 

Huckabee, in his own post on X, said: “EVERYONE who comes in/out of Israel (every country for that matter) has passports checked & routinely asked security questions.”

 

The Israel Airports Authority said in a statement posted to X on Wednesday: “Tucker Carlson and his entourage were not detained, delayed, or interrogated.”

Mike Huckabee Tells Tucker Israel Can TAKE OVER The ENTIRE Middle East

 


Mike Huckabee Tells Tucker Israel Can TAKE OVER The ENTIRE Middle East

In a newly released interview with Tucker Carlson on Friday, February 20, 2026, U.S. Ambassador to Israel Mike Huckabee stated that it would be "fine if [Israel] took it all," referring to a vast area of the Middle East described in biblical scripture.

 

Key details from the exchange include:

Biblical Context: Carlson cited Genesis 15:18, which describes land promised to Abraham's descendants extending "from the river of Egypt to the great river, the Euphrates". This region would encompass modern-day Lebanon, Syria, Jordan, and parts of Iraq and Saudi Arabia.

The Quote: When pressed on whether he believed Israel has a divine right to this entire region, Huckabee replied, “It would be fine if they took it all”.

Clarification: Huckabee immediately followed this by saying he did not believe Israel was actually seeking to take over those countries. He later characterized his own remark as “somewhat hyperbolic” and clarified that Israel's current focus is on maintaining security within its existing borders.

Wider Discussion: The interview was a confrontational two-and-a-half-hour discussion covering Israel’s nuclear program, the humanitarian crisis in Gaza, and Carlson's recent claims of being detained at Ben Gurion Airport.

Huckabee’s comments have drawn sharp criticism from diplomats and international law experts, who noted that such statements conflict with the principle of territorial integrity.

Mike Huckabee Tells Tucker Israel Can TAKE OVER The ENTIRE Middle East

Tucker Shreds Huckabee’s Meeting With U.S. TRAITOR For Israel

Tucker Confronts Mike Huckabee on America’s Toxic Relationship With Israel

 

‘Murky Waters’ for Global Businesses After Trump’s Tariff Loss

 



‘Murky Waters’ for Global Businesses After Trump’s Tariff Loss

 

Even after the Supreme Court invalidated many of the president’s levies, foreign leaders and executives assume that U.S. tariffs are here to stay, in one form or another.

 

Patricia Cohen

By Patricia Cohen

Patricia Cohen covers the global economy from London.

https://www.nytimes.com/2026/02/21/business/economy/tariffs-supreme-court-global-busines-reaction.html

Feb. 21, 2026, 12:00 a.m. ET

 

The watershed U.S. Supreme Court ruling on Friday that struck down President Trump’s go-to method of imposing tariffs upended a cornerstone of the administration’s trade policy, heaping additional uncertainty on trading partners and businesses across the globe.

 

Just how this latest jolt will affect international commerce and filter down to prices, jobs and growth in countries around the world remains a big question mark. So far, the global economy has proved resilient amid the political and economic turmoil wrought by Mr. Trump’s unpredictable trade moves since he took office last year.

 

At the moment, most economists are betting that, whatever the legal consequences, U.S. economic policy will not shift meaningfully. Foreign leaders and business executives are, for the most part, operating under the assumption that as long as Mr. Trump is in office, tariffs are here to stay in one form or another.

 

On Friday, in a news conference after the Supreme Court ruling, Mr. Trump said he would invoke a portion of law known as Section 122, which no president has ever used, to impose an across-the-board 10 percent tariff starting in a matter of days.

 

“The Supreme Court ruled on constitutional limits, not trade policy,” Carsten Brzeski, the global head of macro for ING Research, wrote in a note. “Trump’s tariff agenda survives with new legal foundations and a messy transition period.”

 

Mr. Brzeski and several other analysts said they did not expect to immediately alter their forecasts for global growth and trade because of the Supreme Court’s decision.

 

Mr. Trump may not be able to impose tariffs as rapidly or broadly as he has to date, using a 1977 law that gives the president emergency powers. There are other provisions he can use to issue more targeted tariffs, either on his own or in concert with the Republican-controlled Congress.

 

Foreign governments, so far, have been circumspect in their public comments, saying they were reviewing the decision and its potential impact.

 

But as tempting as it might be for U.S. trading partners to contemplate reopening tariff negotiations, policy analysts said most were unlikely to take that route. For starters, the chances of wrangling a better deal are slight, and merely asking to renegotiate might irk a president who has already admitted that his policy decisions are sometimes made out of pique.

 

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Mr. Trump, for example, admitted that he raised tariffs on Switzerland to 39 percent, from 31 percent, because the Swiss president “rubbed me the wrong way.”

 

Additionally, as unsettling and unwelcome as U.S. tariffs have been, the current rates at least have the virtue of eliminating some of the uncertainty that enveloped businesses and governments last year, when Mr. Trump’s tariff policies sometimes changed between breakfast and dinner.

 

Nonetheless, uncertainty is likely to continue. As William Bain, head of trade policy at the British Chambers of Commerce, said, the ruling “does little to clear the murky waters for business.”

 

Other geopolitical concerns have sometimes overshadowed tariffs in relations with the United States. In Europe, national security, the Atlantic alliance and defense cooperation are all pressing priorities given the war in Ukraine, Russia’s aggressive stance toward Europe and Mr. Trump’s attempts to acquire Greenland.

 

Japan and South Korea, which are also dependent on U.S. security guarantees, are interested in preserving their relationship with Washington at a time of rising tensions with China.

 

With the fate of many trade agreements already agreed upon now up in the air, the court’s ruling will also be a factor in upcoming trade negotiations. The United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement, which Mr. Trump signed into law during his first term, comes up for review this summer.

 

Analysts and traders are also considering the impact of the ruling on the large debt that the United States has racked up. Tariffs have generated more than $200 billion in revenue since April.

 

Raphael Bostic, president of the Federal Reserve Bank of Atlanta, said on Friday that the economic impact of the ruling would depend on whether companies would receive any tariff refunds. He also said it would depend on how companies changed their operations in light of the decision.

 

“Is there a requirement to pay back the firms that have paid in the tariffs? If so, that’s a lot of disruption,” Mr. Bostic said.

 

Many firms in the United States and elsewhere have already pushed for refunds. The research firm Capital Economics estimated that if the U.S. Treasury was forced to issue repayments, the cost would run to $120 billion, or 0.5 percent of gross domestic product in the United States.

 

Juan Pellerano-Rendón, a logistics expert and chief marketing officer at Swap, a software company, said businesses should not expect a windfall. Refunds, if they happen, could take months or years.

 

“No serious operator is building their year around a potential tariff refund,” Mr. Pellerano-Rendón said. Most companies have already taken higher shipping, compliance and supply chain operations costs into account. “There isn’t a hidden 30 percent margin waiting to be unlocked if tariffs disappear tomorrow,” he said.

 

Matthew Ryan, head of market strategy at the global financial services firm Ebury, noted that there was a sell-off of the dollar immediately after the Supreme Court’s ruling.

 

“The move probably reflects heightened fiscal concerns,” he said, “as markets fret that the massive tariff refunds could create a significant U.S. budget shortfall, a higher deficit and an increase in debt issuance.”

 

The Treasury bond market, though, where the U.S. federal government’s debt is bought and sold by investors, reacted to the news with relative calm. Yields on government debt, a measure of borrowing costs, have barely budged.

 

Justice Brett M. Kavanaugh, in a dissent, warned that the refund process would be a “mess.”

 

Mr. Trump’s wide-ranging tariffs have already begun to reconfigure trade patterns. Agathe Demarais, a senior policy fellow at the European Council on Foreign Relations, noted that American allies and adversaries had been shifting away from the United States.

 

“China recorded a $1.2 trillion global trade surplus in 2025, the highest ever on record by any country — highlighting how Chinese firms successfully rerouted exports to other markets,” she said.

 

Over the past year, countries around the world have stepped up efforts to sign trade agreements that do not include the United States, such as the European Union’s recent deals with four South American nations and with India.

 

For all of the drama surrounding Mr. Trump’s tariffs, global trade still grew 4 percent overall last year. And the U.S. trade deficit in goods last year reached a record high.

 

“The point is trade has not collapsed,” said Neil Shearing, group chief economist at Capital Economics.

 

“The global economy has proved relatively resilient to tariff uncertainty and rising trade barriers,” said Eswar Prasad, a professor of trade policy and economics at Cornell University, “so the effects on global growth are in any event likely to be quite muted.”

 

Colby Smith and Joe Rennison contributed reporting from New York.

 

Patricia Cohen writes about global economics for The Times and is based in London.

Trump’s Ten Per Cent Tariffs Might Not Hold | Anita Powell

Trump Fumes & Slaps 10% Global Tariffs After Supreme Court Verdict| What Happens Next?

 

What will happen to Trump’s tariffs after supreme court verdict?

 


Explainer

What will happen to Trump’s tariffs after supreme court verdict?

 

6-3 ruling against unilateral imposition of tariffs without congressional approval labelled a ‘disgrace’ by Trump

Trump illegally used executive power to impose global tariffs, supreme court rules

 

Lisa O’Carroll and Lauren Aratani

Fri 20 Feb 2026 20.05 GMT

https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2026/feb/20/what-will-happen-to-trump-tariffs-after-supreme-court-verdict

 

The US supreme court has struck down Donald Trump’s flagship policy of imposing tariffs on foreign imports in his bid to revitalise American manufacturing. The US president has reportedly called the decision a “disgrace”. Here’s what it means, and what could happen next.

 

What did the court ruling say?

The court ruled that Trump exceeded his authority and should have got congressional approval for the tariffs, which he announced on what he dubbed “liberation day” last April. The tariffs, set at varying rates, covered dozens of countries from war-torn Syria and impoverished Lesotho to the UK, China, Canada, Mexico, Japan and EU countries.

 

The conservative-majority court ruled six to three in the judgment, saying the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA) – the 1977 law designed to address national emergencies Trump had used to implement them – “does not authorise the president to impose tariffs”.

 

The decision affirms earlier findings by lower courts that tariffs Trump imposed under the IEEPA were illegal.

 

Will Trump now abandon his tariff war?

Nope. Trump – who faces a backdrop of slowing economic growth – has made it clear that he is not backing down from his trade war.

 

Hours after the ruling, Trump held a press conference where he vowed to keep tariffs in place using a different law than the IEEPA.

 

He announced a new 10% global tariff and said that his administration would conduct additional “investigations” into unfair trading practices using the Trade Act of 1974. The US president said he felt emboldened to continue his trade war because the court curbed his powers under the IEEPA only.

 

“We have other ways, numerous other ways,” Trump said. “While I am sure that they did not mean to do so, the supreme court’s decision today made a president’s ability to both regulate trade and impose tariffs more powerful and more crystal clear, rather than less.”

 

The US treasury secretary, Scott Bessent, said that the administration planned to use sections of the Trade Act of 1974 to enact the new tariffs, which “will result in virtually unchanged tariff revenue in 2026”, according to treasury estimates.

 

While the White House has these other alternative routes to pass tariffs, there are more restrictions in the form of capped amounts and durations of tariffs, along with procedural prerequisites such as investigations and hearings.

 

The administration will pass a 10% global tariff under Section 122 of the Trade Act of 1974, which allows tariffs of up to 15% to address “fundamental international payments problems”. The law caps the tariff at 150 days while the president addresses alleged “large and serious” deficits in the country’s balance of payments.

 

Other sections of the Trade Act will require an investigation that determines whether the tariffs are necessary for national security or will remedy unfair trade practices.

 

 

Trump acknowledged that the White House would have to do more work but said, ultimately, that the tariffs would not stop.

 

“We’re using things that some people thought we should have used in the first place but it’s a little more complicated. The process takes a little more time, but the end result is going to get us more money,” he said.

 

When asked whether existing trade deals with foreign countries were affected by the ruling, Trump said: “Many of them stand. Some of them won’t, and they’ll be replaced with the other tariffs.”

 

Trump’s annual State of the Union address next week could further shed light on his next steps.

 

Companies that have invested significant time and money to adapt to America’s new import red tape will not adjust supply chains again until they know the long-term plan.

 

Richard Rumbelow, director of international business at Make UK, said: “As the situation continues to evolve, businesses now need clear, practical guidance on how the ruling will be implemented, alongside progress on resolving the remaining section 232 tariffs on UK steel and aluminium.”

 

Will the tariffs be paid back?

Tariff revenues for last year are estimated to have been between $240bn and $300bn, most of it owing to US manufacturers and consumers. The cost to the US government could be vast if it is forced to pay the money back to US importers.

 

Erin McLaughlin, senior economist of US thinktankthe Conference Board, says that “many studies show that US firms have paid 90% of that”, with much of it passed on to the consumer through price rises in shops.

 

Even if the US administration was forced to pay that back, it would “not be paid back soon”, she said. The supreme court justice Brett Kavanaugh said the refund process was likely to be a “mess”. Trump on Friday dismissed the idea of any refunds. “It’s not [being] discussed. We’ll end up being in court for the next five years.”

 

Trade lawyers say importers are likely to get money back – eventually. “It’s going to be a bumpy ride for awhile,” says Joyce Adetutu, a partner at the Vinson + Elkins law firm.

 

The refund process is likely to be hashed out by a mix of the US Customs and Border Protection agency, the specialized court of international trade in New York and other lower courts, according to a note to clients by lawyers at the legal firm Clark Hill.

 

“The amount of money is substantial,” Adetutu says. “The courts are going to have a hard time. Importers are going to have a hard time.’’

 

What have the UK and the EU said?

The UK’s Department for Business and Trade (DBT) said the ruling did not affect the preferential deal the UK negotiated on steel, automobiles (10% down from 27.5%) and pharma, which has zero tariffs compared with 15% in the EU.

 

“The UK enjoys the lowest reciprocal tariffs globally, and under any scenario we expect our privileged trading position with the US to continue. We will work with the administration to understand how the ruling will affect tariffs for the UK and the rest of the world,” said a spokesperson for the DBT.

 

The European Commission trade spokesperson, Olof Gill, said it was analysing the ruling “carefully”.

 

“Businesses on both sides of the Atlantic depend on stability and predictability in the trading relationship. We therefore continue to advocate for low tariffs and to work towards reducing them,” he added.

 

The German confederation of industries, BDI, said the ruling sent a “strong signal for the rules-based trade order”.

 

Can the EU-US trade deal be paused again by MEPs?

The EU parliament has yet to ratify a deal struck in Scotland last year and may well decide to pause it again on fresh legal grounds.

 

MEPs paused and then unpaused it amid the diplomatic row over tariff threats related to Trump’s bid to take over Greenland.

 

A formal vote of the International Partnership Committee is due on Tuesday, followed by a session of all MEPs, expected in early March.

 

With Associated Press

FULL Trump on tariffs: court ruling is 'disgraceful'

 

The supreme court’s tariffs ruling puts Trump on notice with a bloody nose

 


The supreme court’s tariffs ruling puts Trump on notice with a bloody nose

On February 20, 2026, the U.S. Supreme Court dealt a major blow to President Trump’s economic agenda by ruling 6–3 that he lacked the authority to unilaterally impose sweeping global tariffs under the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA).

The ruling in Learning Resources, Inc. v. Trump and Trump v. V.O.S. Selections, Inc. effectively invalidated the "Liberation Day" and "Reciprocal Tariffs" that had been a centerpiece of his second-term trade policy.

 

Key Aspects of the Ruling

Congressional Power Reaffirmed: Writing for the majority, Chief Justice John Roberts emphasized that the power to lay and collect taxes—which includes tariffs—is reserved exclusively for Congress under Article I of the Constitution. The Court found that IEEPA’s language about "regulating importation" does not grant the president the "extraordinary power" to raise revenue through taxes.

The 6-3 Majority: Roberts was joined by the three liberal justices and two Trump appointees, Justices Neil Gorsuch and Amy Coney Barrett. Their defection sparked immediate fury from the President, who labeled the decision a "disgrace" and accused the justices of being "unpatriotic" and "swayed by foreign interests".

Billion-Dollar Refund Crisis: While the Court did not immediately order refunds, the ruling leaves the administration facing potential claims for $160 billion to $175 billion in duties already collected from U.S. importers.

 

Trump’s Immediate Pivot

Despite the "bloody nose" from the Court, the President moved within hours to bypass the ruling using different legal authorities:

Section 122 Blanket Tariff: Trump signed an executive order imposing a 10% global tariff under Section 122 of the Trade Act of 1974. This law allows for tariffs to address balance-of-payment problems but is limited to a 150-day duration unless extended by Congress.

New Investigations: The administration launched new "unfair trade" investigations under Section 301, seeking more permanent legal grounds to reimpose higher levies on specific countries.

Intact Duties: The ruling does not affect tariffs imposed under Section 232 (national security), such as those on steel and aluminum, which remain in place.

Critics and legal experts view this as a rare instance of the conservative-leaning Court successfully checking the expansion of executive power, forcing the administration to seek specific congressional approval for long-term, broad-scale tariff policies.

The supreme court’s tariffs ruling puts Trump on notice with a bloody nose

 


Analysis

The supreme court’s tariffs ruling puts Trump on notice with a bloody nose

Ed Pilkington

The conservative-heavy court had largely given Trump everything he desired – until now, when two of his three nominees turned his back on him

 

Sat 21 Feb 2026 10.00 GMT

https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2026/feb/21/trump-tariffs-ruling-supreme-court

 

After an agonising year in which the US supreme court has stood aside and watched while Donald Trump has run roughshod over the constitutional separation of powers, the highest judicial panel has finally stirred itself to set boundaries on the president’s increasingly regal pose.

 

Friday’s supreme court ruling declared Trump’s sweeping tariffs unlawful, yanking from the president the bloodied cudgel which he has used to beat foreign friend and foe alike.

 

With midterm elections just nine months away, Trump has also been deprived of a key weapon in his second-presidency armory.

 

“At last,” exclaimed Barb McQuade, a law professor at the University of Michigan. The court had remembered “that Congress is a separate and co-equal branch of government … One of Trump’s favorite levers is removed from the arsenal of extortion.”

 

The ruling came as a jolt, and Trump wasted no time venting his fury against the justices who had defied him. He denigrated them on social media in an all-caps personalised attack that was extraordinary, even by his norm-shattering standards.

 

The three liberal-leaning justices who were part of the majority ruling were “FOOLS” and “LAPDOGS”, the six who had voted against his tariffs were universally beholden to foreign countries, while the three rightwingers who dissented were imbued with “strength, wisdom, and love of our Country”.

 

Trump’s rant belies the truth of the current supreme court – that so far into his second presidency it has largely given him everything he has desired. Over the past year the conservative justices who command a super-majority, dribbling out their opinions in bits and pieces, have provoked mounting alarm among constitutional jurists and democracy advocates.

 

Even before Trump had returned to the White House, they had granted him the authoritarian’s gift of Trump v US. The ruling gave him absolute immunity from criminal prosecution for official presidential acts, or as some observers framed it, the “power of a king”.

 

During his first year back in office, the court has issued 24 temporary rulings on its opaque “shadow docket”. Collectively, these emergency decisions have given the benefit of the doubt to Trump, overturning many brave efforts by lower court judges to contain him.

 

Several of those rulings allowed Trump, at least in the short term, to trample over powers reserved for Congress, such as restrictions on the president’s power to fire the heads of government agencies.

 

Friday’s tariff ruling pulls back from that abyss. Learning Resources v Trump dismisses Trump’s invoking of the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA) as justification for his global tariffs.

 

The legislation did not give Trump the authority to impose tariffs, the ruling bluntly states. Tariffs are taxes, and the power of taxation, is solely bequeathed to Congress as the keeper of the nation’s purse.

 

Students of the top court will spend the coming weeks and months poring over the ruling’s finer details for clues as to the swirling currents of power among the nine justices.

 

Already, some pointers are clear.

 

First off, John Roberts is back. The rightward drift of the court, combined with critical rulings like the anti-abortion Dobbs in which Roberts found himself in the minority, led some to wonder whether the chief justice was losing his grip over his own court.

 

Friday’s ruling sees the chief justice back in the driving seat, both as author of the tariffs ruling and as architect of its unexpected 6-3 voting composition. Not the 6-3 to which America has grown painfully accustomed: six conservatives to three sorely-outgunned liberals.

 

It’s a 6-3 in which Roberts was joined by two fellow rightwingers, in an alliance with the three liberal-leaning justices, to deliver Trump a collective bloody nose.

 

Those two other rightwingers are boomingly significant. Both of the conservatives who followed Roberts into the majority were placed on the court by none other than Trump.

 

Neil Gorsuch took over the late Antonin Scalia’s seat in 2017 after almost a year in which senate Republicans held the position open, depriving Barack Obama of his pick. Amy Coney Barrett was chosen by Trump in 2020 following the death of the liberal icon Ruth Bader Ginsburg.

 

That two out of his three supreme court nominees turned their back on him inflamed Trump’s response to the ruling. In a White House press conference shortly after the judgment came down, he singled out his nominees who, from his narcissistic perspective, have betrayed him.

 

Trump is certainly not the only US president to have thrown a hissy-fit at supreme court justices who had the temerity to uphold the rule of law. But the way he expressed such thoughts openly and in public, pitched in such personal and vitriolic terms, that places him in a class of one.

 

“I think their decision was terrible,” he said, referring to Barrett and Gorsuch. “I think it’s an embarrassment to their families.”

 

Of the two, Barrett’s vote is the least surprising. Over the past five years, she has displayed an independent streak that has seen her forge agreement with the liberal-leaning justices on several occasions.

 

 

Gorsuch’s stance is more jarring, and will take time to process. In almost a decade on the top court he has been reliably conservative, forming a new wedge of hard-right jurisprudence along with those other crusty hardliners, Clarence Thomas and Samuel Alito.

 

His vote with the majority says more perhaps about Trump’s excesses than it does about Gorsuch’s brand of conservatism. The president’s disdain for constitutional inconveniences, his tendency to blow raspberries at the other supposedly co-equal branches of government, can rile one as avowedly committed to the original meaning of the constitution as Gorsuch.

 

“Whatever else might be said about Congress’s work in IEEPA, it did not clearly surrender to the President the sweeping tariff power he seeks to wield,” the justice writes in his concurring opinion.

 

How this new 6-3 configuration will play out in the longer term is another matter for scrutiny. Its existence does suggest that some of Trump’s other clearly unconstitutional actions are also vulnerable, notably his attempt to destroy birthright citizenship as enshrined in the 14th amendment.

 

Friday’s ruling puts Trump on notice. Though the president responded to the ruling as though he were impervious, immediately announcing a new raft of tariffs under different legislative authority, the court has made itself clear: there is a limit.

 

But those tempted to be starry-eyed about this juncture should also be put on notice. There is a limit too to the supreme court’s beneficence.

 

As Lisa Graves, an expert on the rightwing legal movement, put it: “This ruling is not judicial courage. This is the Roberts court doing the bare minimum to rein in Trump’s abuse of power.”

sexta-feira, 20 de fevereiro de 2026

A Better Life: A Novel - February 10, 2026 by Lionel Shriver

 


A Better Life: A Novel - February 10, 2026

by Lionel Shriver 

In a provocative novel addressing contemporary immigration by the sharply observant Lionel Shriver, a New York family takes in a Honduran migrant—who may or may not be the innocent paragon she claims to be.

 

Gloria Bonaventura, a divorced mother of three living with her 26-year-old son Nico in a sprawling house in Brooklyn, decides to participate in a new city program that would pay her to take in a migrant as a boarder. Gloria is thrilled when sweet, kind, helpful Martine arrives. But Nico is skeptical. A classic live-at-home Gen Zer with no interest in adulthood, Nico resents any interruption of his “hovercraft repose.”

 

As the months go by, Martine endears herself to both Nico’s sisters, while finding her way into Gloria’s heart and even, briefly, Nico’s. But as Martine’s disturbingly dodgy compatriots begin to show up, Nico conceives a dark twin hostile to both his mother’s altruism and the “migrant crisis” in general—and turns out to be anything but a reliable narrator himself.

 

Based loosely on a program a New York City mayor floated but did not initiate, A Better Life is Lionel Shriver at her best: smart, funny, and sensitive to the moral nuances of perhaps the most divisive issue of our times.

"A Better Life": Lionel Shriver in Conversation with Douglas Murray

 

Lionel Shriver immigration

 


Lionel Shriver immigration

Lionel Shriver has established herself as a prominent critic of mass migration and what she describes as "porous borders". Her views, often characterized by skepticism toward progressive immigration policies, have culminated in her latest work, the novel A Better Life, published in early 2026.

 

Key Views and Recent Works (2026)

"A Better Life" (2026 Novel): This book serves as a vehicle for Shriver's exploration of the "immigration taboo". It follows a New York family who support open immigration but come to regret taking an unvetted stranger into their home. Shriver describes the plot as a plausible scenario reflecting what she views as the "ruinous immigration policies" of the preceding years.

Criticism of Discourse: Shriver argues that immigration is the "issue of the century" but remains nearly impossible to discuss openly without facing backlash. She has criticized the "warping of language" by the left to excuse illegal migration and maintains that mass migration is fundamentally changing Western societies.

Policy Stance: In recent 2026 interviews, she has characterized the debate as "radioactive" and expressed concerns over the "corrosion of citizenship". She rejects the idea that her latest work is satire, insisting it reflects a "life-size" and realistic analysis of social malaise.

Shriver frequently challenges the idea that wanting to preserve a local culture is inherently wrong, noting a double standard where such sentiments are accepted for some groups but condemned for white residents in places like Arizona. Her stance often aligns with a belief that unchecked immigration places unsustainable pressure on social cohesion and national infrastructure.

‘Immigration is the issue of the century’ | Lionel Shriver on borders, citizenship and free speech