Rush
Doshi
America
Cedes the Stage to China
Mr. Doshi
was the deputy senior director for China and Taiwan affairs at the National
Security Council under President Joe Biden. He is a scholar at Georgetown
University and the Council on Foreign Relations.
https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2026/01/11/opinion/trump-new-world-order.html
For the
first time in more than a century, the Americas appear to be Washington’s
highest priority — to the detriment of time and attention on Europe and Asia,
and to the ultimate benefit of Beijing.
The
administration’s pursuit of a “Fortress America” offers no refuge against
China’s growing power. And building it through imperial adventures risks
repeating the mistakes of other great powers that similarly misdiagnosed the
true sources of national strength as territorial control instead of
technological mastery.
In the
18th century, China and Russia myopically built spheres of influence on the
Eurasian steppe while Britain won the century by perfecting the steam engine.
In the 19th century, Europeans fixated on the scramble for Africa while the
United States leaped ahead by inventing electrification and mass manufacturing.
Now the
United States risks distracting itself by trying to govern Venezuela and seize
Greenland while China is dedicating vast sums to winning the technologies of
the future, from artificial intelligence and robotics to quantum computing and
biotechnology.
Already,
China’s economy is roughly 30 percent larger than the United States’ by
purchasing power, its industrial base twice as large, its power generation
twice as high, and its navy is on track to become 50 percent larger by the end
of this decade. It leads in new technologies like electric vehicles and
next-generation nuclear reactors while the United States increasingly depends
on it for everything from antibiotics to rare-earth minerals.
Dominating
the Americas does little to change this. The Western Hemisphere has only about
13 percent of the world’s population and a shrinking share of its economy and
manufacturing capacity. If prioritizing the Americas means fewer resources are
devoted to Asia, that is a poor trade, one that risks ceding the world’s most
populous and economically dynamic region to Beijing’s influence. America would
fall behind China technologically, depend on it economically and risk being
defeated by it militarily. The result would be a Chinese century.
For
America, the only path to balancing China’s sheer scale is to renew American
strength at home and leverage the collective power of U.S. partners by building
“allied scale” abroad. An “Americas first” fixation on the Western Hemisphere
complicates that. It distracts leaders from the task of domestic renewal and
alienates allies and partners. Seizing Greenland from Denmark, for example,
would fracture NATO and drive Europe closer to China. That would be strategic
malpractice.
Beijing
appears to recognize that in statecraft, focusing one’s energies on the right
question matters. For Washington, the central strategic question of the 21st
century is not whether the United States can build a bastion in the Western
Hemisphere. It is whether America, after a century as the world’s most
powerful, advanced and prosperous country, will renew the true sources of
strength or pass the torch to China.

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