Donald
Trump’s ‘big, beautiful bill’ is the ultimate betrayal of his base
Sidney
Blumenthal
The measure
exposes the most elaborate charade in recent US political history. But betrayal
is Trump’s operating principle
Fri 11 Jul
2025 06.00 EDT
https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2025/jul/11/trump-big-beautiful-bill
Donald
Trump’s so-called “big, beautiful bill”, which will eviscerate the living
standards, healthcare and aspirations of his white, working-class base,
conclusively draws the curtain down on his Maga populist conceit, the most
elaborate charade in recent American political history.
The price
will be staggering: $1tn in cuts to Medicaid; throwing 17 million people off
health coverage closing rural hospitals and women’s health clinics; battering
food assistance for families, children and veterans; the virtual destruction of
US solar and wind energy manufacturing; limiting access to financial aid for
college; and, according to the Yale Budget Lab, adding $3tn to the national
debt over the next decade, inexorably leading to raised interest rates, which
will depress the housing market. These are the harsh, brutal and undeniable
realities of Trumpism in the glare of day as opposed to his carnival act about
how he will never touch such benefits.
The
president’s Maga populism has been a collection of oddities reminiscent of PT
Barnum’s museum on lower Broadway before the civil war that exhibited a 10ft
tall fake petrified man, the original bearded lady and the Fiji mermaid, the
tail of a large fish sewn on to a bewigged mannequin. Trump attached plutocracy
to populism to construct the Maga beast. But after the passage of the bill, the
Fiji mermaid that is Maga has come apart at the seams, the head separated from
the tail.
“I just want
you to know,” Trump said as he signed the bill, “if you see anything negative
put out by Democrats, it’s all a con job.” He claimed the law was the “single
most popular bill ever signed”. It is, in fact, the most unpopular piece of
legislation since George W Bush proposed partial privatization of social
security, which he abandoned without a single congressional vote. A Quinnipiac
poll showed 53% opposing Trump’s bill, with only 27% support – 26 points
underwater.
At a meeting
where Trump lobbied Republican House members to vote for his bill, he told them
it would not cut Medicaid because that would damage their electoral prospects.
“But we’re touching Medicaid in this bill,” one Republican member complained to
the publication Notus. In response to the obvious contradiction, a White House
spokesperson issued a statement that the bill would “protect Medicaid”. Problem
solved.
Even if
Trump didn’t actually know what was in his bill, too bored to pay attention to
minute details or even if he was pulling a con, he coerced the Republicans into
walking the plank. If he didn’t know, they certainly knew what was in the bill
and they hated it. But they feared his retribution if they did not vote for it,
even though it would severely harm their base and trample their own principles.
The Freedom Caucus of far-right House members who boldly declared that the debt
was the hill they would die on simply folded.
The
Republican senator Josh Hawley of Missouri strenuously objected to the Medicaid
cuts he warned would devastate rural hospitals: “I am confident it will not be
put on the floor as it is currently. Something will change.” Then, after some
minor changes, he said: “I’m going to vote yes on this bill.”
The
Republican senator Thom Tillis of North Carolina, up for re-election in 2026,
decried the Medicaid cut to his constituents. Trump threatened to primary him.
Tillis all but said: you can’t fire me, I quit. “Great News!” Trump wrote on
Truth Social. Tillis’s seat would likely be lost to the Democrats, but the
offender was dispatched; another problem solved.
The final
holdout, the Republican senator Lisa Murkowski of Alaska, teetered until the
last minute as the decisive vote. “We are all afraid,” she said in April about
the Republican senators’ fear of Trump’s retaliation. “Retribution is real …
I’m going to use my voice to the best of my ability.” If she had voted against
the bill, it would have failed. She used her exquisite position to gain some
protection for rural hospitals and food assistance in Alaska, as well as tax
credits to about 150 Alaskan whaling captains. Yet one-third of Alaskans
receive healthcare under Medicaid and 35,000 would lose coverage, according to
the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities. Murkowski was willing to trade
small pieces to lose the larger ones. “Did I get everything I wanted?
Absolutely not,” she said. She voted in favor. “Do I like this bill? No,” she
said, adding with a passive-voice euphemism that, “in many parts of the
country, there are Americans that are not going to be advantaged by this bill.”
She acted like an alderman, exclusively focused on her tiny district, the rest
be damned. Even then, her vote helped strip tens of thousands of her
constituents of basic necessities, food and healthcare above all.
Trump
appears to believe everyone betrays everyone all the time. It is evidently his
rule for living
Murkowski’s
capitulation affirmed Trump’s view of human nature, that in the end the
narrowest selfishness will win out over everything else. At the signing
ceremony, Trump singled her out for getting “something”: “Right, Lisa? … You
are fantastic!” He had succeeded in getting her to betray her fundamental
beliefs on his behalf. He harpooned her for a whaling crew.
Trump lies
constantly, but has never concealed his intentions. Since 12 January 2016, at a
rally in Iowa, Trump has recited a song dozens of times called The Snake, about
a kindly woman who nurses back to health a frozen snake, who responds by biting
her. When she asks why the snake has poisoned her:
Oh shut up,
silly woman, said the reptile with a grin
You knew
damn well I was a snake before you took me in.
Trump
explained that the song is part of his demonization of immigrants and Muslims,
initially aimed at Syrians, whom he suggested on a talkshow a few months later
might commit a terrorist attack on the scale of 9/11. “Bad things will happen –
a lot of bad things will happen. There will be attacks that you wouldn’t
believe. There will be attacks by the people that are right now that are coming
into our country, because I have no doubt in my mind.”
Trump
apparently ignored a cease and desist letter from the children of the author of
the song’s lyrics, an extraordinary artist, composer, music producer,
playwright and civil rights activist, Oscar Brown Jr, who meant it as a parable
for the danger of not recognizing evil for what it is. His poem was turned into
a minor Motown hit by the soul singer Al Wilson.
Time and
again, rally after rally, Trump told his worshipful acolytes that he would
betray them. You knew damn well I was a snake before you took me in. When they
heard him recite those words, they interpreted them to mean that he would be
their protector. But the story is of deception in plain sight. The snake will
betray the one who takes him in, who does not understand that the snake’s
nature is to be a snake.
Trump
appears to believe everyone betrays everyone all the time. It is evidently his
rule for living. If he didn’t betray, he would have to be trustworthy. For him
to behave in a trustworthy way would undermine his apparent understanding of
reality: everyone cheats, lies and steals. If they haven’t, it’s because they
either would like to but are inhibited by foolish moral or ethical constraints,
or they are too stupid or fearful to grasp that it is the only way to act in
their interest. Those people are losers, chumps and marks.
The wrong
question is: whom has Trump betrayed? The right question is: whom hasn’t he
betrayed?
The story of
Trump’s betrayals is an epic, covering his entire career, encompassing his
private life and his public one. He betrayed the Polish immigrant construction
workers who cleared the way for Trump Tower by underpaying them – or not paying
them at all, just as workers have said he stiffed them on many other projects.
He has betrayed his brother and nephew, cutting off the sick child’s health
insurance. He appears to have betrayed his personal physician, after a
bodyguard and Trump lawyer showed up at the doctor’s office to take Trump’s
medical records, leaving the doctor feeling as if he had been “raped”. Trump
University betrayed its students, who sued him for false advertising, resulting
in a $25m settlement. The Trump Foundation was dissolved by court order amid
accusations of self-dealing.
Trump’s
betrayals of the law and the constitution are innumerable. Now, he appears to
betray the emoluments clause rapaciously using the presidential office for
self-enrichment to the tune of untold billions.
Who wouldn’t
he betray? He cut off Roy Cohn, who taught him the tricks of intimidation, when
he was dying of Aids. Trump, said Cohn “pisses ice water”. Once he betrayed
Cohn, there was no one he would not and did not betray. It was inevitable that
he would betray Elon Musk, the richest person in the world who thought he was
also the cleverest.
Trump’s
compulsion is to compound his betrayals. He glories in the humiliation of
others as the proof of his domination. His fervent fans bask in his acts of
degradation against the weak, the powerless, the Other. They cheer his cruelty,
his calls for violence, his insults. They think he’s doing it on their behalf.
But Trump does nothing on anybody else’s behalf. He has no benevolent,
philanthropic or idealistic motives. “I hate them, too,” he said at an Iowa
rally on 3 July about Democrats after his bill passed. “I really do. I hate
them.” His Maga devotees may love him for the objects of his hatefulness. They
don’t register that someone whose nature is to betray everyone will surely
betray them. They may not even grasp that their betrayal has already happened.
You knew damn well I was a snake before you took me in.
Sidney
Blumenthal, a former senior adviser to President Bill Clinton and Hillary
Clinton, has published three books of a projected five-volume political life of
Abraham Lincoln: A Self-Made Man, Wrestling With His Angel and All the Powers
of Earth. He is a Guardian US columnist and co-host of The Court of History
podcast

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