‘They will collide eventually’: how long will the Trump-Musk relationship survive?

 

‘They will collide eventually’: how long will the Trump-Musk relationship survive?

 

The bromance may fade, but the two megalomaniacs could still reshape the US as long as Trump’s fickle affections hold

 

David Smith

David Smith in Washington

Sun 9 Feb 2025 11.00 GMT

https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2025/feb/09/trump-musk-relationship

 

Apicture is worth a thousand words – or, more precisely, $288m. That was the sum tech entrepreneur Elon Musk donated to Donald Trump’s presidential election campaign. His reward was dramatically illustrated by the cover of this week’s Time magazine: an image of Musk, coffee cup in hand, sitting behind the Resolute desk used by every US president since Jimmy Carter.

 

Some speculated that the picture of “President Musk” was designed to provoke the thin-skinned Trump, who is known to revere Time magazine and has twice been named its “person of the year”. The president reacted on Friday with a pointed joke: “Is Time magazine still in business? I didn’t even know that.”

 

Musk, for his part, wrote on his X social media platform: “I love @realDonaldTrump as much as a straight man can love another man.”

 

It was the consummation of an unlikely relationship that is bringing an unnerving revolution to America. Trump and Musk share an appetite for disruption, rule-breaking and goading liberals. The convergence of the world’s most powerful man and the world’s richest man spells double trouble for democracy in the eyes of critics.

 

Can the bromance last? Recent history is littered with examples of Trump acolytes who threatened to steal some of his limelight and paid the price. Sceptics have been predicting the demise of the Trump-Musk axis almost since it began, suggesting that two giant egos will surely collide.

 

But others perceive a symbiotic relationship that might go the distance. Joe Walsh, a former Republican representative and a Trump critic, said: “They’re the two most powerful people on the planet right now. They desperately need each other.

 

“They’re in this for the long haul so people who think this thing’s going to bust up in a month or two are smoking something. We’re looking at four years of these two doing this. They are like two monsters and every day they’re growing stronger.”

 

At first glance, Trump and Musk have little in common. Trump is a 78-year-old property developer and reality TV star from New York who came to politics late, spends hours on the golf course and has a cultural frame of reference rooted in the 1980s.

 

Musk, 53, was born in South Africa during the era of racial apartheid, made his fortune in Silicon Valley and is chief executive of Tesla, an electric vehicle maker, and SpaceX, a rocket company aiming for the stars. He has publicly stated that he has Asperger syndrome, part of the autism spectrum.

 

In 2016, he said Trump “doesn’t seem to have the sort of character that reflects well on the United States”. In 2022, Trump described Musk as a “bullshit artist” for supporting his opponents in 2016 and 2020. By last year, both were singing a different tune.

 

Musk threw his weight behind Trump in the election against Kamala Harris, becoming his top donor, speaking at campaign rallies and elevating pro-Trump propaganda on his X social media platform. He spent election night at Trump’s Mar-a-Lago estate in Palm Beach, Florida, and celebrated his inauguration with an apparent Nazi salute.

 

Musk has so far been the biggest single difference between Trump’s first term as president and his second. Dubbed “first buddy”, he was appointed as head of the “department of government efficiency” (Doge), a taskforce aimed at restructuring federal agencies, cutting budgets, rooting out waste and corruption, and dismissing employees.

 

Trump, known for a leadership style that rules by fear and demands total loyalty from workers, has duly brought a Silicon Valley-style “move fast and break things” approach to scything through the federal government with no regard for the constitution or rule of law.

 

His Doge team of young software engineers quickly gained access to the treasury payment system, which is responsible for a billion payments a year totaling $5tn. It includes sensitive information involving bank accounts and social security payments.

 

Then Doge shuttered the United States Agency for International Development (USAid) without seeking the necessary authority from Congress, destroying a tool of American soft power and severing vital food and medicine programmes worldwide. Musk tweeted gleefully: “We spent the weekend feeding USAID into the wood chipper.”

 

Doge’s tactics have included locking out employees, freezing funding, terminating leases and offering “deferred resignation” packages to workers. Musk is also using his X platform to promote Trump’s agenda, attack critics and make outrageous statements. He labelled USAid as “evil” and a “criminal organization” without providing evidence.

 

Musk is not a full-time government employee, instead holding a “special government employee” status, allowing him to sidestep financial disclosure and public vetting processes. Chuck Schumer, the Democratic minority leader in the Senate, said: “An unelected shadow government is conducting a hostile takeover of the federal government.”

 

But Trump appears unconcerned, claiming: “Elon can’t do and won’t do anything without our approval. And we’ll give him the approval where appropriate. Where not appropriate, we won’t.” A White House source told the Guardian that the president had recruited Musk to do “crazy shit” and he was delivering.

 

To some commentators, the match makes sense. Bill Whalen, a research fellow at the Hoover Institution thinktank at Stanford University in California, said: “It’s safe to assume Donald Trump has always admired wealth and there are only a handful of people on the planet whom he can look northward to in terms of wealth and Musk is one of them.

 

“Trump obviously has the power that Musk thrives on but the one thing that might be in common here is they both enjoy being disrupters and mischief makers.”

 

Musk has incentives both financial and ideological. His companies have extensive contracts with the federal government and, as head of Doge, he is in a position to streamline regulations to directly benefit them.

 

He has also found common cause with Trump and his “Make America Great Again” (Maga) movement, making it clear that he is focused on eradicating the so-called “woke” agenda. He eliminated diversity, equity and inclusion (DEI) initiatives at X, formerly Twitter, and appears to be bringing that mindset to his government work.

 

He shares Trump’s worldview on race. Musk has falsely claimed that the South African government is allowing a “genocide” against white farmers; Trump announced that he would shut down all aid to South Africa over what he alleged was a “massive human rights violation” in the form of a new land rights law.

 

Still, no honeymoon lasts forever. Musk’s approval rating is falling fast, even among Republicans. Just 43% of Republican respondents say they want Musk to have “a little” influence, and 17% say they want him to have “none at all”, according to a recent poll from the Economist/YouGov.

 

This week, protesters outside government buildings carried hand-painted placards complaining: “Nobody elected Elon.” Democrats in Congress have made him their prime target, accusing him of an illegal power grab. Representative Jared Golden of Maine posted on X: “My constituents, and a majority of this country, put Trump in the White House, not this unelected, weirdo billionaire.”

 

This could make Musk a useful foil for Trump, deflecting attention from the president. But it might also eventually turn Musk into a political liability, leading voters to question which is the master and which the puppet. Pressure from allies such as Steve Bannon, a sharp critic of Musk and other tech oligarchs, and Republicans in Congress would surely grow ahead of next year’s midterm elections.

 

Rick Wilson, a co-founder of the Lincoln Project, a pro-democracy group that this week released an attack ad titled “President Musk”, said: “They will collide eventually. When Trump sees Elon causing political damage to him, he’ll cut the cord in a hot minute.

 

“It won’t even take five heartbeats. Once he sees that Elon is dragging him down in the polling – and Elon has become spectacularly unpopular in the last few weeks – Elon’s going to have a rough moment.”

 

On the other hand, Musk is not like anyone that Trump has encountered before. His estimated wealth of $426bn dwarfs that of the president. He wields huge power and influence through X. He might prove harder to dispose of than previous lieutenants.

 

Charlie Sykes, a conservative author and broadcaster, said: “I don’t know how he solves a problem like Elon. He can fire or destroy anyone else. He can brush Marco Rubio off. He could destroy JD Vance’s political future with a Truth Social post. But he’s stuck with Elon Musk.

 

“Elon Musk now has his own power base. He’s got his own cult of personality. There’s going to come a moment where these egos are going to clash – there can be only one master of the universe at the same time – but how is this resolved? How does Trump disentangle himself from the Frankenstein’s monster that he’s gotten into bed with?”