OPINION
GUEST ESSAY
A TikTok Divestiture Is Long Overdue
April 29,
2024, 5:03 a.m. ET
https://www.nytimes.com/2024/04/29/opinion/tiktok-divestiture.html
Tim Wu
By Tim Wu
Mr. Wu is a
law professor at Columbia, a contributing Opinion writer and the author of “The
Curse of Bigness: Antitrust in the New Gilded Age.”
China’s
violations of human rights and the basic norms of internet freedom are blatant
and obvious. This month, with little fanfare, the country ordered Apple to
block downloads of WhatsApp, Threads and Signal within its borders. It already
prevents citizens from connecting to dozens of other providers of information,
including this newspaper and Wikipedia, and for years, it has aggressively
surveilled journalists and dissidents.
That
abysmal track record gives the United States every right to demand that TikTok
find a different owner — one not subject to the control of the Chinese state.
Last week,
President Biden signed a law that did just that. TikTok’s current owner,
ByteDance, has long emphasized that global institutional investors — such as
the Carlyle Group, General Atlantic and Susquehanna International Group — have
a 60 percent stake in the company, but it is still, at its core, a Chinese
company, with headquarters in Beijing and subject in multiple ways to the
direction of Chinese officials. This new law, which gives TikTok roughly 270
days to find a new owner, is designed to change that. But more fundamentally,
it sends a message to the world: You cannot disregard basic internet norms and
expect to be treated just like any other country.
Infrastructure
is destiny, and on some level, the continuing struggle to control the internet
is a struggle for the future of civilization. We are already very far from the
vision of the internet, laid out in the 1970s and 1990s, of a network that
would bring the nations and peoples of the world together in harmony. That may
have been too idealistic, even then — but today, we can still draw a line at
mass surveillance and censorship, and make it clear that nations who break
norms are not entitled to full access to American markets.
Some have
argued that TikTok should be left alone to preserve a free and open internet.
They argue that to treat China differently would fragment the network. That
gets things backward. China, Russia, Iran and other nations have long since
broken from any “one internet” vision with their blocking, shutdowns and
censorship. This month, American policymakers demonstrated that doing so has
consequences.
That China
is in violation of established norms is not in question. In 2022, more than 60
nations signed a “Declaration for the Future of the Internet” enumerating basic
online principles that all nations should respect (China, Russia and other
nations declined to sign): no shutdowns around elections, no surveillance of
political opponents, no bans on lawful content. While no country is perfect,
only nations like Russia, Iran and Cuba can rival China in their flagrant
violations of these principles. Freedom House, which measures internet
freedoms, rates Iceland at 94 out of 100, Russia at 21 and China at 9. That
alone is grounds to disqualify it from controlling what is now one the world’s
most important social media networks.
If the
United States refuses to enforce the principles of internet freedom and
openness, it makes a mockery of them. I will be the first to admit that even
the United States has at times failed to respect these principles, particularly
when it comes to state surveillance. But the answer is not to throw up our
hands and declare that there is nothing to be done.
ByteDance,
for its part, maintains that it is not actually subject to control by the
Chinese government. The weight of the evidence suggests otherwise: The Chinese
state owns a “golden share” in the company, the firm is based in China, and
studies suggest that the government shapes TikTok content in accordance with
party preferences. ByteDance has said it has no plans to sell TikTok; but that
might merely be a means of driving up the price. What the company now has is a
golden opportunity to prove its independence for once and for all: by selling
TikTok and taking the money.
It is true
that only a few American companies — such as Oracle, Microsoft and Meta — have
the money to buy TikTok, and I’ll admit that should Meta or Google acquire it,
they would have a dangerous amount of control over one their greatest
competitors. But that need not be the future of the company. TikTok’s current
investors could partner with individuals, such as the Canadian investor and
businessman Kevin O’Leary, to turn it “into an American company,” as Mr. Leary
has said he wants to do. TikTok could even be run as a nonprofit, and perhaps
begin a move toward a less toxic business model.
These are
radical steps, to be sure. But they are not without precedent. The new TikTok
law is similar to the longstanding law that originally barred foreign citizens
and corporations from owning U.S. radio and television stations. That law,
enacted in the 1930s, might seem quaint today, but during the propaganda wars
of the 20th century, control over radio stations was nothing to joke about. No
one doubts that control over radio broadcasting was essential during the Second
World War; there is no reason to pretend that social media has any less
political salience in our times.
TikTok is
already banned in a handful of other countries, including India, and on
government phones in Australia, Canada and most of Europe. But looking forward,
it is important that other democratic nations — particularly the Europeans —
take seriously the dangers of Chinese control over their vital communications
platforms. While justifiably concerned about the privacy practices of American
tech platforms, they can’t ignore the question of who owns TikTok. The
democracies of the world have played the sucker for far too long.
Tim Wu, a
law professor at Columbia, is the author of “The Curse of Bigness: Antitrust in
the New Gilded Age.”
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